مراسلات وقصاصات من الصحف عن بلاد فارس والخليج الفارسي [ظ‎‎٨‎٧] (١٧٩/١٦٥)

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THE TIMES OF INDIA.
[August 13, 1898.
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,R. AGER’S TELEGRAM CODES are on
SALE at the Office of the “ Times of India,” Bombay,
The official announcement that
the Hon. George N. Curzon
been selected as (In- near
I iceroy of India establishes beyond doubt the
accuracy -of the rumours of the last few days.
The selection will, we believe, give the utmost
satisfaction in India, for nowhere in the
Empire lias the promising career of the Viceroy-
elect been watched witli greater interest and
greater , approval than in this country. At
this distance from England, whore the din of
party strife falls faint upon the ear, men are
gauged from a different standpoint than at
home, and it is possible that a truer estimate
is formed of their value as factors in the
Imperial system. The scales of partisanship
fall from the eyes, statesmen arc not obscured
from tile view by the cloud of hostile critics
who rise up against them, and they are judged,
not upon their merits as fighters in a debate,
not upon their ability to sway the issues of an
election, but upon the extent of their apprecia
tion of great Imperial principles, and upon the
measure of their capacity to interpret those
principles in the domain of administration.
Thus it is that a Curzon or a Dilke, whose lives
have been devoted to the study of Imperial
questions, and whose power to put into practice
the fruits of their researches 1ms been tested,
command a respect and adherence in India and
in Greater Britain which would never be accord
ed to the purely Parliamentary exploits of a
Hareourt, or—may we say ?—to the useful
achievements in domestic legislation of a Balfour
of Burleigh. Then, too, the mannerisms in
the House, winch are made so much
of at home and which count for so little, the
hundred and one personal peculiarities which
are reckoned by the Britisli electorate in their
estimate of leading politicians—the Indian
public, at any rate, cares for none of these thino-s
In India British statesmen are judged by a broad
er standard, and with greater breadth of vision
comes a truer perception of the best qualities
of the men themselves. The intense zeal with
winch Mr. Curzon has devoted himself to the
for ins new office in a way for which
hardly any, precedent can be found among
previous Viceroys. He has, in a measure,
revolutionized the traditional conception of the
training necessary for a British statesman.
England has been too long accustomed to seeing
her colonial and foreign policies controlled by
men whose knowledge of the earth was limited
to an occasional jaunt to a Mediterranean
watering-place. But here was a politician
rising into the front rank who did not hesitate
“ the toilsome way and long, long league totrace ”
in order to investigate for himself in far-off lands
the inner bearing of those great problems upon
which the future of his country turns. And it
is because the whole of his labours have been
specially directed towards acquiring a knowledge
of Asia, and because it is known that the
elucidation of Asiatic questions has formed the
one absorbing passion of his life, that the
appointment of Mr. Curzon is approved here,
in the confident belief that under his rule the
British dominion in India will be consolidated
and strengthened, and the welfare and prosperi
ty of the Indian peoples enhanced. If a mere
attraction towards the politics of Asia were the
sole recommendation to lie advanced in favour
of the new appointment, it might, of course, be
aid with some justice that there are other
men of almost equal prominence who possess
this qualification for the Viceroyalty. But Mr.
Ourzon combines with his knowledge of
Asia other gifts which stamp him as being
peculiarly fitted for the post. The enforced
exclusion of the Foreign Secretary from the
House of Commons lias given him, during the
present Parliament, a remarkable opportunity
for the exhibition of statesmanlike attributes,
and during the last three years his expositions
of the foreign policy of the Government have
laid the coping-stone upon his reputation, and
wrung frequent praise even from his bitterest
opponents. But, after all, in the eyes of the
Indian public, his chief recommendation must
be that he will not come out here a total stran-
er to Asia, with everything to learn. He
knows something of Asiatics, and of the ques
tions which will be presented to him for
decision, and he will not have to spend the first
two or three years of his Viceroyalty in
elementary studios. That alone is a great gain. •
It may be said tiiat the merits we have
ascribed to Mr. Curzon appeal rather to the
British in India than to the native peoples,
whose welfare must be his chief care. But we
do not think that those natives who have taken
the trouble to study the published writings of
Mr. Curzon, or who have ever been brought
into contact with him, will raise such an objec
tion. If there is one characteristic more than
another which distinguishes Mr. Curzon’s at-
titndi. towards Asiatics, whether in Ipdia or
elsewhere, it is a deep and sincere sympathy
with them in their thoughts, their aspirations,
and their prejudices. He is often—perhaps
too often—an apologist for their faults, and
certainly no traveller in recent years has taken
greater pains to look at current controversies
from the Oriental standpoint. There are many
existent proofs that lie is strongly imbued with
a desire to help forward that process of revivi
fication which is slowly but surely taking place
among the peoples of the East. With a firm
faitli in the benefits which .British rule lias
conferred upon India, he unites a keen appre
ciation of the inherent virtues of Oriental races,
a veneration of their ancient traditions, and a
courageous hope for their future. Unless his
whole previous career, and his words, written
and spoken, have belied him, the natives of
India may expect to find his rule guided and
influenced by a wise and lofty spirit of
tolerance. In another respect, too, his adminis
tration may be expected to gain their approval.
He is not a man who is likely to be led by
official cliques, and to be a puppet in the hands
.qf .his advisers. If there is such an organiza
tion as a “Simla Gang,” it may be confi
dently predicted that its days will be numbered
when he lands in India. The administration
may be expected to bear -the impress of
bis own individuality. We have laid great
stress on Mr. Curzon’s personal acquaint
ance with Eastern questions, and we are
aware that it may be urged against
that he is chiefly familiar with matters
winch do not directly concern the internal
Government of India. AVe would reply that it
m every sense advantageous that the new Vice
roy should be a man who has been so closely
associated with what may be termed the external
politics of the Indian Empire. There are many
signs that during the next few years the
continuance of British rule in India in
its present form may depend very largely
on those great external questions which
are cqmmg up for settlement in Persia,
in China, m Siam, in Turkestan, in Asiatic
lurkey, jinu. in nnfnrhnnofo
will endeavour to associate his term of office hv
heroic pieces of legislation, and that to nut if
bluntly, tlie world will be favoured with anoth
example of the egregious blunders of “ a mm,
man m a hurry.” AVe think that the
past training of Mr. Curzon ought to be a
sufficient answer to such fears. Nowhere is the
necessity of caution in affairs of State mop
strongly impressed upon a young statesman
than in the loreign Office; and Mr. Curzon
has journeyed enough in the East to learn that
beyond Suez “progress is an affair of lon«
pauses.” It was well said in Parliament the
other day that “what India needs is quiet”
and Mr. Curzon’s examination of the present
condition of this country would have been
indeed profitless if the point, of the observation
was lost upon him. It is not surprising that
the appointment should be regarded 0 with
“mixed feelings” at Simla, for, as we have
already hinted, the Viceroy-elect is not likely
to be too susceptible to bureaucratic influences’
whereat, doubtless, the rank and file of the
administration will rejoice, with good cause
But we firmly believe that the appointment is
a good one, and that it is fraught with the best
omens for the well-being of the Indian Empire
and its peoples.
study of Asiatic politics, the untirinn- energy
lie has displayed m acquiring a first-hand know
ledge of the problems now presenting themselves
for solution upon this continent, and the
fearless manner in which he lias formulated his
conclusions, constitute the chief cause of tlie
favourable impression he has produced in India
It is recognised that he has' prepared himself
irkey, and, in the unfortunate event of the
Ameer s death, in Afghanistan also. It will
inspire confidence to know that, in the troub
lous times which arc before us, we shall have
at the head of affairs in India one who can
bring to the examination of whatever difficulties
may arise a close and intimate knowledge of
their various aspects. Mr. Curzon may be
trusted too, to press forward the important
work ol opening up communications throuo-li
nrmah with China, and it is consoling to
tlmik that with ids advent there will be no
more talk of withdrawing from Chitrai. There
seems to be a fear—somewhat pointedly ex
pressed by our Simla correspondent—that lie
a and the pb™ 11 admitted on Bri
an Gulf. ‘lay ‘ n Abe House of Commons
that rumours had reached the
Government that a foreign Power seeks to
acquire a port in the Persian Gulf, but added
that he was nnable to say whether the report
was authentic. Similar rumours have reached
us of late from various sources, but in the
absence of confirmatory proof we have hesitated
to give them publicity. There was, indeed,
a story to winch we referred some weeks ago,
to tlie effect that the close friendship noiv
subsisting between the Kaiser and the Sultan
was associated with a desire on the part of the
German Emperor to obtain a concession at the
northern extremity of the Gulf. The story is,
we believe, not altogether without support.
The railways, built with German capital, which
are now being pushed across Asia Minor, have
tended to arouse in Germany an interest in the
Gulf, which is regarded as the ultimate objec
tive of these lines. Further proof of tlie
increasing attraction which the Gulf exercises
upon Germany is afforded by the recent
appointment, upon a handsome salary, of a
German Consul-General at Bushirc, which is
not without significance when it is remembered
that German subjects in the Gulf probably do
not number more than half-a-dozen, all toid,
and that Germany’s share of the Gulf trade is
practically infinitesimal. But while the Kaiser
may be watching the progress' of events in the
Gulf with a close attention which is hardly
disinterested, we do not beheve that the Power
to which Mr. Curzon referred is Germany. In
our opinion, the Power which is at present
cherishing the strongest aspirations regarding
the Persian Gulf is Russia. That Russia
is desirous of reaching blue sky and open water
through Persia is no new story. It is as old as
the mythical AVili of Peter the Great. “Hasten
the decadence of Persia, penetrate to the Persian
Gulf, re-establish the ancient commerce of the
Levant, and advance to the Indies, which are
tlie treasure-house of the world,” ran the in
junctions of that apocryphal document, and
Russia lias ever kept them steadily in view.
During the past few years the Persian question
has been more or less quiescent, so far as the
attention bestowed upon it in Great Britain Jr
concerned. Mr. Curzon once wrote that “peblic
opinion in England and in India with regard to
Persian politics has been either at a white heat,
or has subsided into an inert stupor.” AVe have
been in the “ inert stupor ” stage for the best
part of a decade now, though it is more than prob
able that wc are destined to be rudely awakened
from our torpor ere long. But Russia has all
the time been quietly consolidating and extend
ing her influence in Northern Persia and in
Khorassan ; and there are indications that her
activity is now about to be exerted in directions
more openly inimical to British interests. The
activity ,vc anticipate lias a direct connection
with recent events in the north of China.
British diplomacy has been assiduously—and
rightly—devoted to checking Russian aggression
on the shores of the Gulf of Pe-ohi-li. But
the inexhaustible energy of Russia, when
thwarted in one direction, immediately finds a
fresh outlet elsewhere. And we shall not be
very surprised if she responds to the check
which Lord Salisbury is endeavouring to ad
minister to her in Peking, by trying to effect
a counter-move, having for its ultimate aim the
securing of a naval footing in the Indian Seas.
In making this suggestion, we must disclaim
any desire to raise a fresh Russian scare, cither
in India or in England. If there is any danger
of a fresh attempt on the part of Russia to
gain an entrance to the Persian Gulf, it is still
sufficiently remote to be regarded with calmness.
Elsewhere, if the Novoe Vremya —an officially-
inspired paper—is to be believed, Muscovite
hopes of introducing the warships of the Tsar
into Indian waters are nearer realisation. The
Novoe Vremya announces that Russia has
acquired a Sultanate over Ralieita in the Red
Sea, which is “ to be used as a naval base.”
The story is an old friend, in a slightly altered
form. If we remember aright, it was originally
published some months ago in the London
Globe, and was subsequently denied. This
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AUGUST 13, 1898.
he official annoiincement that
e Hon. George N. Curzon
is been selected as the next
establishes beyond doubt the
rumours of the last few days.
, we believe, give the utmost
ndia, for nowhere in the
jmising career of the Viceroy-
id with greater interest and
than in this country. At
England, where the din of
hint upon the ear, men are
lifferent standpoint than at
jossible that a truer estimate
r value as factors in the
The scales of partisanship
, statesmen are not obscured
Russia and the
Persian Gulf.
for his new office in a way for which
hardly any. precedent can he found among
previous Viceroys. He has, in a measure,
revolutionized the traditional conception of the
training necessary for a British statesman.
England has been too long accustomed to seeing
her'colonial and foreign policies controlled by
men whose knowledge of the earth was limited
to an occasional jaunt to a Mediterranean
watering-place. But here was a politician
rising into the front rank who did not hesitate
“ the toilsome way and long, long league to trace
in order to investigate for himself in far-off lands
the inner hearing of those great problems upon
which the future of his country turns. And it
is because the whole of his labours have been
specially directed towards acquiring a knowledge
of Asia, and because it is known that the
elucidation of Asiatic questions has formed the
absorbing passion of his life, that the
appointment of Mr. Curzon is approved here,
in the confident belief that under his rule the
British dominion in India will he consolidated
and strengthened, and the welfare and prosperi
ty of the Indian peoples enhanced. If a mere
attraction towards the politics of Asia were the
sole recommendation to he advanced in favour
of the new appointment, it might, of course, be | and its peoples
said with some justice that there are other
men of almost equal prominence who possess
this qualification for the Viceroyalty. But Mr.
Curzon combines with his knowledge of
Asia other gifts which stamp him as being
peculiarly fitted for the post. The enforced
exclusion of the Foreign Secretary from the
House of Commons has given him, during the
present Parliament, a remarkable opportunity
for the exhibition of statesmanlike attributes,
and during the last three years his expositions
of the foreign policy of the Government have
laid the coping-stone upon his reputation, and
wrung frequent praise even from his bitterest
opponents. But, after all, in the eyes of the
Indian public, his chief recommendation must
be that he will not come out here a total stran
ger to Asia, with everything to learn. He
knows something of Asiatics, and of the ques
tions which will he presented to him for
decision, and he will not have to spend the first
two or three years of his Viceroyalty in
elementary studies. That alone is a great gain. •
It may he said that the merits we have
ascribed to Mr. Curzon appeal rather to the
British in India than to the native peoples,
whose welfare must be his chief care. But we
do not think that those natives who have taken
the trouble to study the published writings of
Mr. Curzon, or who have ever been brought
into contact with him, will raise such an objec
tion. If there is one characteristic more than
another which distinguishes Mr. Curzon’s at
titude towards Asiatics, whether in Tpdia or
elsewhere, it is a deep and sincere sympathy
with them in their thoughts, their aspirations,
and their prejudices. He is often—perhaps
too often—an apologist for their faults, and
certainly no traveller in recent years has taken
greater pains to look at current controversies
from the Oriental standpoint. There are many
existent proofs that he is strongly imbued with
a desire to help forward that process of revivi
fication which is slowly but surely taking place
among the peoples of the East. With a firm
faith in the benefits which .British rule has
conferred upon India, he unites a keen appre
ciation of the inherent virtues of Oriental races,
a veneration of their ancient traditions, and a
courageous hope for their future. Unless his
whole previous career, and his words, written
and spoken, have belied him, the natives of
India may expect to find his rule guided and
influenced by a wise and lofty spirit of
tolerance. In another respect, too, his adminis
tration may be expected to gain their approval.
He is not a man who is likely to be led by
official cliques, and to be a puppet in the hands
r to associate his term of office by
of legislation, and that, to DV! 1, il-
will endeavour to
heroic pieces of legislation, ana that, to pvt it
bluntly, the world will be favoured with another
example of the egregious blunders of “ a yoiuvr
man in a hurry.” We think that the
past training of Mr. Curzon ought to be a
sufficient answer to such fears. Nowhere is the
necessity of caution in affairs of State mom
strongly impressed upon a young statesman
than in the Foreign Office; and Mr. Curzon
has journeyed enough in the East to learn that
beyond Suez “progress is an affair of long
pauses.” It was well said in Parliament the
other day that “what India needs is quiet,”
and Mr. Curzon’s examination of the present
condition of this country would have been
indeed profitless if the point of the observation
was lost upon him. It is not surprising that
the appointment should be regarded with
“ mixed feelings ” at Simla, for, as we have
already hinted, the Viceroy-elect is not likely
to he too susceptible to bureaucratic influences,
whereat, doubtless, the rank and file of the
administration will rejoice, with good cause.
But we firmly believe that the appointment is
a good one, and that it is fraught with the best
omens for the well-being of the Indian Empire
of his;
Mr. Curzon admitted on Fri
day in the House of Commons
that rumours had reached the
Government that a foreign Power seeks to
acquire a port in the Persian Gulf, but added
that he was unable to say whether the report
was authentic. Similar rumours have reached
us of late from various sources, hut in the
absence of confirmatory proof we have hesitated
to give them publicity. There was, indeed,
a story to which we referred some weeks ago,
to the effect that the close friendship now
subsisting between the Kaiser and the Sultan
was associated with a desire on the part of the
German Emperor to obtain a concession at the
northern extremity of the Gulf. The story is,
we believe, not altogether without support.
The railways, built with German capital, which
are now being pushed across Asia Minor, have
tended to arouse in Germany an interest in the
Gulf, which is regarded as the ultimate objec
tive of these lines. Further proof of the
increasing attraction which the Gulf exercises
upon Germany is afforded by the recent
appointment, upon a handsome salary, of a
German Consul-General at Bushire, which is
not without significance when it is remembered
that German subjects in the Gulf probably do
not number more than half-a-dozen, all told,
and that Germany’s share of the G ulf trade is
practically infinitesimal. But while the Kaiser
may bo waiAjiiiug the progress ol events in the
Gulf with a close attention which is hardly
disinterested, we do not believe that the Power
to which Mr. Curzon referred is Germany. In
our opinion, the Power which is at present
cherishing the strongest aspirations regarding
the Persian Gulf is Russia. That Russia
is desirous of reaching blue sky and open water
through Persia is no new story. It is as old as
the mythical Will of Peter the Great. “Hasten
the decadence of Persia, penetrate to the Persian
Gulf, re-establish the ancient commerce of the
Levant, and advance to the Indies, which aie
the treasure-house of the world,’ ran the in
junctions of that apocryphal document, and
Russia has ever kept them steadily in view.
During the past few years the Persian question
has been more or less quiescent, so far as the
attention bestowed upon it in Great Britain is ■
concerned. Mr. Curzon once wrote that ‘ ^uiohe
opiniofi in England and in India with regard to
Persian politics has been either at a white heat,
or has subsided into an inert stupor. Me haie
been in the “ inert stupor ” stage for the best
part of a decade now, though it is more than pi o
.. -irn tUur.iiK -rl In Lp Tiulrlv illLtlhUI