Coll 6/15 'Syria: Administration. Question of offer of throne to King Feisal of Iraq.' [‎119v] (238/497)

speculation took place on the rival merits of a “ monarchy ” and a republic. The
name of Emir Zaid was freely canvassed (amongst others) as a likely candidate
for the “ throne.” but the Nationalists were definitely in favour of a
“ President.”
11. The draft Constitution produced by the Assembly proved unacceptable
to the French Government, being incompatible with the terms of the mandate^
and international agreements. Exception was taken to the following six^
articles: (1) Unity; (2) National army; (3) power of President to conclude
treaties; (4) to receive Ambassadors; (5) to grant pardons; and (6) to declare
martial law. The Assembly was invited to revise their draft accordingly, and,
on their refusal to comply, was adjourned for three months, in the hope that
wiser counsels would prevail.
12. The Assembly, having failed to come to terms, was finally adjourned
sine die in February 1929. the Sheikh Taj Administration remaining in power.
In August there were slight demonstrations in sympathy with the anti-Zionist
movement in Palestine, but the country remained remarkably quiet.
13. In April 1930 Hashem Bey Atassi published a manifesto throwing the
blame of failure to endow the country with a Constitution on M. Ponsot. The
latter, in the following month, promulgated the Constitution drawn up by the
Assembly, with the addition of a qualifying clause (article 116) vesting certain
powers of veto in the French Government, in conformity with the latter’s
obligations to the League of Nations.
14. In a decree published the same date dissolving the “ Constituent
Assembly,” M. Ponsot pointed out that that assembly, in drawing up the
Constitution, had completed their labours and complied with that part of the
mandate which lays down that the views of the authorities and the population
should be consulted in regard to the form of Government.
15. Towards the beginning of 1931, interviews published in the local press
with Hashem Bey Atassi and Jamil Mardam Bey (at one time a super-
Nationalist) suggested that the Nationalists, recognising that article 116 of the
Constitution was merely a temporary safeguard pending the evolution of the
mandate, were prepared to participate in parliamentary elections, as a first step
to the negotiation of a treaty. But, whilst the serious leaders of “ nationalism ’
appeared to be gaining in wisdom and discretion, a new class of agitator—persons
who had nothing to lose, but everything to gain, from disorder and
violence—namely, the ” student-effendis.” found expression for their patriotism
in their dissatisfaction with the price of electric tram fares, and the usurpation
of the Hejaz Railway Station by a French-owned railway. They were sponsored
by Emir Said Jazairly, an unbalanced megalomaniac, completely discredited by
reasonable people.
16. For the first time on record, a group of Nationalists (including the type
of ” condottiere,” such as Fakhri Baroudi) travelled to Beirut to welcome
M. Ponsot on his arrival in November. Within a few days the latter accepted
the resignation of Sheikh Taj-ed-Din, and assumed the functions of Chief of
State. The air was cleared for the forthcoming parliamentary elections. A
Syrian Secretary-General was appointed to administer the country with the aid
of four Ministers of the previous Government. M. Ponsot declared that it was
necessary, in order to conclude a treaty, to negotiate with a representative
Government, in conformity with the Constitution, and held himself personally
responsible for ” fair ” elections.
17. Just prior to the elections, skirmishes between hired “ bravos and
the police were organised by certain Nationalists in order to raise a flagging
“patriotism”; and, by convincing oratory, the mind of “the man in the
street ” was poisoned, in advance, that the electoral proceedings would be faked
from beginning to end. ,
18. This form of “ mass-suggestion ” was bound to take eftect on an
ignorant populace; and it was not surprising that certain allegations of
“ tampering ” against one or two Syrian officials ended in scenes of disorder and
bloodshed at the polls. The elections in Damascus were suspended, but on the
same day, at Aleppo, the Liberal Constitutionals (or Moderates) swept the
board the allegations of “ tampering ” have never been proved, and the matter
was allowed to drop by the Commission of Enquiry set up by the new Parliament.
19 In spite of loose talk of a boycott by the Nationalists, the fresh
elections at Damascus took place in March and April 1932, and resulted m the
return of six Nationalists and three Model ates.