'File 61/14 II (D 46) Relations between Nejd and 'Iraq' [‎8v] (27/466)

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in a quotation from the "Morning Post," then the prince would have to decline;
but if, after careful consultation with Moslems in London, it was ascertained that
the mosque was for the different Moslem sects only, then the prince could use his
discretion and perform the ceremony of opening. The attitude of Ibn Saud in this
matter is quite reasonable. From the point of view of dogma, the Wahabis, most
orthodox of Moslems in their own view, cannot consider the Ahmadiya sect as
Orthodox any more than the Christian Church can consider Theosophists orthodox
Christians. Ibn Saud is not a man of vast experience, and it is more than likely that
what appeared to him in the first place to be a harmless ceremony took a more
alarming aspect when he learnt that English clergy, not to mention the Mayor of
Wandsworth, were to be present. One can as easily imagine a couple of cardinals
being deputed to go down to Brindisi to greet Mrs. Besant and her young protege
from Madras, as Tbn Saud blessing the foregathering of a son of his with
latitudinarian curates in a London suburb.
16. The King gave some general views on foreign relations to the journalist
mentioned above in paragraph 3. With regard to the Caliphate, Ibn Saud is
reported as saying that he would not accept it under any consideration. The fourth
requisite of a Caliph was that he should protect the Faithful throughout the world
by his sword. He could not do that; no more could the King of Egypt do it. Could
he intervene on behalf of the Moslems of Syria, or King Fuad protect the Moslems
of Tripoli ? There was no Moslem prince strong enough to assume the protection of
Islam throughout the wide world. Therefore, in the temporal sense, there could be
no Caliph. What could be done was the formation of a kind of majlis of represen
tatives of the Moslem Powers and peoples, which would take the Caliphate, as it
were, into commission. As for a leader and an arbitrator in spiritual affairs, the
Moslem world had already its Caliph—the Koran.
17. As regards Akaba and Ma'an, the King said that, if his interrogator
would read the proceedings of the recent Islamic Conference, he would see that the
question of that territory had been avoided. He for the present must observe a like
discretion. It was a political question which was not yet solved. As for the Hejaz
Railway, the King was willing to approach the problem of its ownership, beginning
from the start made at the conference of Lausanne between Turkey and the Allied
Powers, when preparatory arrangements for dealing with this problem were made,
on the lines of which he himself was ready to begin negotiations. It will be realised
that, as there are no means of checking the above account, it is quoted with reserve.
18. The rumours of an impending nationality law alluded to in the last Jeddah
report were quickly followed up by the publication of the actual law on the subject.
All ex-Ottoman subjects born or established in the Hejaz are declared Hejazis. This
provision is reasonable, although it makes no mention of options for Palestinian,
Transjordanian or Iraq nationality. But, in addition, all persons born in the Hejaz
are proclaimed Hejazis, and every resident in the country not in possession of valid
official documents proving his foreign nationality is considered a Hejazi. The two
last provisions ignore pointedly any possible' capitulatory rights claimed by
foreigners.
19. The different foreign representatives at Jeddah, in acknowledging receipt
of the official communication of this law, stated that, until they had received
instructions from their various Governments on the subject, they would have to
reserve the rights of their nationals in respect of the law. The statute shows signs
of a too hasty drafting. For instance, the son of a Persian consular officer born in
Jeddah will be henceforward a Hejazi unless a provision is added to the contrary.
But perhaps, after all, the authors of these rough-shod provisions merely consider
them as the first step toward solving the intricate problem of nationality in this
country. They may intend that finer details will be left for study when each Power
interested defines its relations with the Hejaz. It has been suggested to the Minister
for Foreign Affairs that at least children of foreigners, born in the country, should,
when they reach years of discretion, be given the option of choosing between local
nationality and that of their parents. Nothing so far has come of this suggestion.
20. It is difficult to see what will be the public utility of such drastic regula
tions, except as a check to the freedom and numbers of foreign residents, with the
protection by consuls implied. Nevertheless, very few expressions of alarm on the
subject have reached this Agency An office of the East India Company and, later, of the British Raj, headed by an agent. .
21. The financial straits of the Government have been particularly poignant
during October. The Treasury is literally living from hand to mouth, and there is
every now and then a painful wait before the arrival of a vessel in port provides
customs receipts. A business house in Jeddah which transacts for the Government