'Zanzibar, Arabia, and the Persian Gulf' [‎42v] (2/8)

ticularly in the engagement by which Syud Mujeed
was established as Sultan at Zanzibar, while his
brother, Syud Thuwenee, was secured in the peace
ful sovereignty of Muscat, it was settled that an
annual sum should be paid by the former to his
elder brother, and the Government of India gua
ranteed this payment. Will Her Majesty’s Go
vernment accept this guarantee as one to be en
forced, and eventually met from Imperial resources?
On the other hand, could the Government of India
be called upon to make good a payment resulting
from a failure in the Sultan of Zanzibar to fulfil
his engagement, without the Government of India
having had a word to say in the negotiations and
other measures which culminated in the default.
The existing relations with Southern Arabia, and
with the Persian Gulf The historical term used to describe the body of water between the Arabian Peninsula and Iran. , had their origin in the ne
cessity the Indian Government felt to suppress
piracy in the Indian seas. * We found a useful ally
in this work in Syud Suyeel, the father of Thu
wenee and Mujeed, who for upwards of 40 years
governed Oman with great vigour, and who was
himself a merchant as well as a ruler, and had ships
which he annually sent with cargoes to Calcutta as
well as to ports of Western India. The trade rela
tions of Arabia and the Gulf are entirely with India,
and it would be hard to compel those who have
complaints to make, or interests at stake arising out
of this trade, to look only to the Foreign Office for
redress, or for their settlement. On this acconnt,
as well as because the existing treaties are all made
with India, it seems to me necessary that the
management of our relations with these countries
should be committed to Officers appointed by, and
corresponding with India.
The slave trade suppression duty has super
vened, having been assigned to the Indian Officers,
because they were officials on the spot. If the
Foreign Office does not think they perform this
duty well, it might be committed to separate
Officers appointed for the purpose, or left, as it in
a great measure is at present, to the navy captains,
who have Acts of Parliament and instructions from
the Admiralty to guide them, and who now act
very independently of the Indian Governments and
their Officers.
The question I propose next to consider, because
it is in some way connected with the first, is second,
whether it is advisable to send a diplomatic Agent
or Commissioner of high position and character, to
inquire into all existing arrangements, and to put
them on an improved footing.
Undoubtedly, matters in Southern Arabia, Zan
zibar, and the Gulf are at present in much con
fusion. The causes of this and the remedies I shall
hereafter refer to. I do not think any person sent
from this country would do any good, so long as the
relations with the Chiefs and Governments remain
on their present footing. Such an appointment
would weaken the influence and authority of the
existing diplomatic Agents and would not be favour-
2. Appointment
a special Agent
Commissioner.