'Memorandum Regarding the Relations with the Tribes in the Vicinity of Aden, especially in Reference to the Amir of Zhali.' [‎110r] (1/4)

Confidential.
Memorandum rogRnlin^ tho L\<Gl<itioiis with tho FnbGS in tliG vicinity
of Aden, especially in reference to the Amir of Zhali. By Major
F. M. Hunter, C.S.L, Assistant Political Resident A senior ranking political representative (equivalent to a Consul General) from the diplomatic corps of the Government of India or one of its subordinate provincial governments, in charge of a Political Residency. at Aden.
The present understanding with the Porte, in respect to the tribes in the
vicinity of Aden is that their independence must be respected, because they
are in subsidiary alliance with Her Majesty.
Our relations with the tribes are not, however, in the nature of treaties
guaranteeing their independence, but in the form of agreements by which,
in consideration of certain payments, the Chiefs bind themselves to keep
open the roads and maintain friendship with the British Government.
Indeed, with the Aulaki and Yuffai, we have only engagements in con
nection with the slave trade.
If, therefore, the Porte should choose to incite any of our stipendiaries to
change their attitude towards us, we have no strong diplomatic position
based on actual treaty rights to fall back upon, and our allies might plead
that, so long as the communications with the interior are not interfered with,
they have the power to accept the suzerainty of the Porte. Surely if our
status on the Somali coast requires strengthening in the way of further
treaties, declaring a British protectorate, such a measure is far more necessary
in regard to the immediate neighbourhood of Aden.
If treaties be made with the Abdali, Padhli, and Akrabi, by which those
districts are placed under British protection, Ottoman intrigue with the
Chiefs of those territories would be hardly possible. It is from the tracts
inhabited by these three tribes that Aden draws all its supplies of fodder,
firewood, &c.
The Abdali has absorbed the Subaihi, and in all probability, on the death
of the present Akrabi Shaikh, that small clan will also pass under the Lahej
Sultan.
The country of the Haushabi, which stretches across in a semicircle and
reaches to the borders of the Fadhli, forms, with a small strip of YafTai
territory, a second barrier to Turkish advance. The Alawi is just beyond the
Haushabi, and the so-called Amiri country is still further to the north.
The Alawi may be considered as occupying the same relative position
towards us as the Haushabi, but the tribes dominated/orwer/y by the Amirs
of Zhali and the villages under those Chiefs concern us little. Were it not
that their jurisdiction extends over that portion of the road to Aden which
lies beloio the uplands as far as Alawi limits, we should probably never have
sought to save Ali Mokhil from the clutches of the Porte.
Whether or not the present Amir again succeeds in obtaining back the
allegiance of the villages which have passed under Ottoman rule, the tribes
formerly controlled by the Chiefs of Zhali, and who occupy the vicinity of
the main route to Aden from Yeman, must be dealt with.
The most troublesome of these is the Kotaibi, who have of late years
taken advantage of the Amir’s weakness to levy transit dues on their own
account. Shortly, these and other clans, such as the Jauli and Halmeen,
were feudatories of the former Amirs of Zhali, but the power and territories
of the latter have been broken up by the Ottoman advance, in spite ot our
diplomatic endeavours to prevent the disintegration of the authority of jur
ancient allies.
Delimitation of the Turkish frontier is the remedy hitherto believed
applicable, but, as matters now stand, this would not he so easy or, indeed,
altogether adequate. Most, if not all, of the villages which have ^become
Ottoman during the past few years, will probably prefer to remain Turkish.
We cannot, and do not, protect the inhabitants of these insignificant hamlets
^ 11585 J. 1532.