'Persia. No 1 (1909). Correspondence respecting the affairs of Persia, December 1906 to November 1908' [‎48r] (79/236)

is without supporters except a few of his chamberlains, find himself forced to abandon
’the tactics by which he hoped to discredit the Assembly by showing its incapacity to
govern. Those who believe in the national movement are confident of the future.
They explain the failure of the Assembly to produce any practical reform by pointing
to the difficulties with which it has had to contend; it had many enemies, the
Governors of provinces and high officials, the Shah, and finally the clergy, whose
power had to be effectually broken before the will of the people could prevail These
objects have been successfully attained ; tyrannous Governors such as Zd-es-Sultan,
Farman Farma, and Asaf-ed-Gowleh have been removed ; the Shah finds himself alone
and without a party ; and by the passing of the additions to the Constitution and the
debates over the question of bast, the Mujteheds have been taught that the new regime
means to emancipaie itself from the yoke of the priesthood.
But the difficulties in the way are formidable. The Treasury is empty ; there is no
public force to maintain order and enforce the law ; the moral authority of the old
regime has been destroyed by the local Anjumen, and the Assembly seems powerless to
create any respect for itself; there appear to be no statesmen of constructive ability;
taxes are being paid with the greatest irregularity, and even the framework of such
elementary administration as once existed has well nigh disappeared.
In fact, the work of the Assembly during the first year of its existence has
been nearly wholly destructive, and in the process of clearing the ground for futuie
reform a good deal that was worth preserving has perished. And it is to be feared
that the work of reconstruction on democratic lines will prove beyond the powers of
the men at the head of the movement.
It is not a healthy sign that in the new Cabinet not a single Minister dares to take
the smallest responsibility on his shoulders, but awaits the direction of the Assembly.
Hence it results that the Medjliss, which from the beginning^ has been far too prone
to interfere in ordinary administrative matters, is now assuming executive functions.
To this tendency two other circumstances are also contributing, viz., the masterful
character of the President of the Assembly, who is now the most powerful personality
in Persia, and the formation of the Anjumen-i-Akaber, or Grand Committee. The
creation of this body is practically the outcome of the Committee of Notables, whose
recent secession from the autocratic party has so profoundly modified the internal
situation. It is composed chiefly of the higher functionaries, with a fair number of
military officers, and its President and Vice-President are Amir-i-Azam and Hussein
Kuli Khan Nawab An honorific title; an official acting as a provincial deputy ruler in South Asia; or a significant Muslim landowner in nineteenth century India. . It has no official standing, but it arrogates to itsell the right of
givino’ advice to the responsible Ministers in the conduct of the business of the
Departments. It is, of course, perfectly irresponsible, but the influence of its members
is such that its advice cannot be disregarded. Its influence has, so far, on the whole
been beneficent, but it is easy to see that a Minister less pusillanimous than those
who form the present Cabinet might easily pome into conflict with it; while the
dano-erous possibility of a quarrel with the President of the Assembly can never be very
distant. The best thing that can happen is probably what the more intelligent 1 ersians
hope for, viz., that out of it should be evolved the Senate provided for by the
Constitution. . c
Another obstacle in the path of reform is to be found in the composition of the
Assembly itself. Only a very small minority of the members have even an
elementary idea of what the functions of Parliament are. The rest are > incapable
of comprehending a regular code of laws regularly applied ; puch a thing is entire y
outside their experience, and they probably look on the business of framing laws—
which they cannot conceive will ever be enforced—as sheer waste of time. p he y
would in fact, turn the Assembly into something between a Debating Society, a Court
of Justice, and a Council of State. Not a few also look upon the position of Deputy
as merely a means of pushing their own interests. It is hoped that with the diffusion
of more correct notions of constitutional government the next elections will result
in the return of more enlightened and less self-seeking legislators.
The result of the first year’s work of the Assembly has been on the whole rather
negative, but at least it has succeeded in asserting its will against the influence ot the
Shah and clergy, and has now a reasonable prospect of being able to start on the path
of reconstruction.
I have, Ac.
(Signed) CHAHLIiS M. MAULING.