'Persia. No 1 (1909). Correspondence respecting the affairs of Persia, December 1906 to November 1908' [‎107r] (197/236)

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On the 2nd the revolutionaries cut all the wires of the Indo-European Telegraph
Company, and His Majesty’s Vice-Consul only induced them with great difficulty to
permit the necessary repairs, and then they required that no Government messages
should he sent.
On the 4th August news of the restoration of the Turkish Constitution was
divulged hy the Ottoman Consul-General. This naturally put heart into the National
party, who placarded the town with a manifesto roughly to the effect that, unless they
could obtain a satisfactory settlemeut before the arrival of a Governor-General with
reinforcements, the Sultan would he as good a Sovereign as the Shah.
On the 7th August fighting, which had been desultory, was vigorously renewed
hy the Shah’s forces. Heavy fighting continued for three days with shell and
rifle fire.
Mr. Stevens has mentioned in several telegrams that the conduct of the Shah’s
troops has been characterized throughout by f ‘ atrocious acts ” and indiscriminate
looting. On the 2nd August he reported that the firms of Ziegler and Stevens had
officially addressed the Consulate-General, expressing the hope that the Persian
Government would he held responsible for losses eventually sustained, as they feared
the looting of houses and shops would spread to the bazaars. I thereupon addressed a
note to the Persian Government, asking that proper steps should be taken to protect
the property of British subjects, and saying that my Government would be compelled
to hold that of His Majesty the Shah responsible for any losses sustained through the
action of troops serving the Persian Government. On the 9th August I received a
responsive note from the Minister for Eoreign Affairs, stating that my note had been
communicated to the Grand Vizier, who had been specially requested to send the
necessary orders for the protection of British firms and subjects.
It is difficult to estimate how far the serious events in Tabreez since the Shah’s
coup d'Etat were originally inspired by genuine political motives, and if so for how long
the struggle maintained its essentially political character. I am myself inclined to
believe that the opposition to Bahim Khan’s operations was largely actuated by private
animosity on the part of the “ national leaders,” and I think that there can be little
doubt that the Nationalists now feel there is nothing left for them but to fight to a
finish, and that were they to surrender, conditionally or unconditionally, neither their
lives, their families, nor their property would be safe from the vengeance of the
Boyalist troops, exasperated by the prolonged resistance of the Azerbaijan “ patriots.”
Nor is it likely that their fears are ill-founded.
I have, &c.
(Signed) CHARLES M. MARLING.
No. 229.
Sir A. Nicolson to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received August 31.)
(Telegraphic.) St. Petersburgh, August 31, 1908.
MY telegram of the 22nd August.
Text of identic communication which it is proposed that Russian and British
Representatives at Tehran should make to Shah is as follows:—
“ As His Majesty the Shah has made known his intention of shortly publishing the
new Regulations concerning the approaching legislative elections, the Minister of
Russia (British Charge d’Affaires) considers, in conformity with the instructions from
his Government, and without in any way wishing to intervene in the internal affairs of
Persia, that it would he very desirable and opportune in the interests of the definitive
pacification of the country and of trade, and of the general prosperity, that His Majesty
the Shah would be pleased at the same time to announce that his decision to maintain
the organic laws which he has granted to his Empire is irrevocable, and that the
Assembly about to be elected will meet at Tehran on the 14th November.”
The Shah had quite recently told the Russian Minister—so M. Tcharykoff
explained to me—that it was his intention shortly to publish the regulation for the
new elections. Assistant Minister for Eoreign Affairs considers that British and
Russian Representatives might now be placed in possession of proposed communication,
which could then be made at the time and in the form which they considered most
appropriate for the step.