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Coll 6/67(1) 'Boundaries of South-Eastern Arabia and Qatar.' [‎314r] (632/794)

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The record is made up of 1 volume (392 folios). It was created in 13 Jun 1934-13 Dec 1934. It was written in English and Arabic. The original is part of the British Library: India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. Records and Private Papers Documents collected in a private capacity. .

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-p oiV 8 ™ 1111 run through the reasons I gave in my memorandum
ot the 23rd February, 1932, for the then apparent deterioration of Ibn Sand’s
political position : —
(c) The administration of the Hejaz has not become less efficient, and has
per aps somewhat improved. There are fewer internal signs of discontent with
e Saudi regime than there were in 1931. It cannot be called popular, but some
eas o e ubes aie too broken to think of resistance, the townsmen seem
more resigned, and some of them have an increasing interest in the stability of
the present regime. J
r ^ indications as afford a criterion suggest that Ibn Saud
has strengthened his position vis-a-vis the extreme Wahhabi opponents of modern
ideas It is impossible to form any exact estimate, but the King has shown
^ oidness ™ variou 1 s directions, and less is heard of the Ulama of Neid. In
of hand^ 8 a D 6 t0 ma ^ e USe tde ^^hwan, without letting them get out
xr i Ibn baud s isolation in the Arab world is less pronounced than it was.
lie has learnt to control his hatred, if not his suspicion, of the Hashimites. Care-
±uHy run trued sympathy with him seems to abound in Palestine and in Syria,
peihaps also m more independent Arab countries. The unexpected death of
King I eisal last year has removed his most conspicuous rival in the Arab world.
His display of moderation in nis final settlement with the Imam has advertised
him as a man who is first and foremost a good Arab, all the more so as other good
Arabs, line the would-be mediators, headed by the Grand IVIufti of Palestine, have
been enaoled to claim an unearned share of the credit. He has, in fact, discreetly
avoided any appearance of a desire to dominate the Arab world too exclusively
and has beaten with ah the more effect the Moslem Arab drum.
(d) Remaining himself a good but not extreme Wahhabi, Ibn Saud has
tended to show greater tolerance towards Moslems of other denominations, both
Sunni and Shia, He divides the sympathies of non-Arab Moslems generally, but
he has probably more admirers in countries like India, and perhaps the Dutch
East Indies, than he had some years ago. Even in Egypt, the third largest
contributor to the pilgrimage, there is a strong tendency to criticise King Fuad’s
policy of holding him at arm’s length.
(e) Ibn Saud is still isolated from the general life of the family of non-
Moslem nations. Even here, however, there are signs of a readiness on his part to
increase his intercourse with individual nations; and. though the signs are small,
they may foreshadow a process capable of considerable acceleration in the more
favourable conditions which would result from a consolidation of his position in
Arabia. He has realised that he must look west for any serious help in developing
his resources, witness the grant of the Hasa Oil Concession to the Americans and
his readiness to treat with Europeans for the grant of other concessions.
(/) He is still poor in competent advisers on other than purely Arab affairs.
There have been no notable additions to the list, but the men he has have grown
somewhat in stature. His Minister of Finance has learnt the useful lesson that,
while old debts may be put on the long finger, current liabilities must be met, if
credit is to be maintained. Payments in respect of immediate transactions have
been much more punctual of late. Fuad Bey Hamza is a doubtful factor. He has
advanced in the art of diplomacy, but he does not seem to enjoy the full confidence
of Ibn Saud, and his own heart-searchings in quest of a larger life may sweep
him out of the King’s service. Should he remain in it and retain his health, he
is capable of rendering much service as a liaison between Saudi Arabia and the
modern w'orld. Even Sheikh Yussuf Yasin has achieved more elasticity. Some
other less well-known men have also come on, like Muhammad Tawil, a Hejazi,
whom Ibn Saud has used successfully in Hasa, and perhaps the Ibn Muammar, a
Nejdi, who represents him in Bagdad.
9. Ibn Saud has shown no further signs of physical decline. He has grown
somewhat lethargic in his habits; but he looks fit, lives a healthy life, especially in
Nejd, no longer overeats (if, indeed, there was truth in the Sheikh of Koweit’s
suggestion that he used to), and imposes his will on his advisers in all major
matters. Even the story current some time ago of his impotence seems to have
been exaggerated, as he has had a son within the last few months.
10. It would be going far beyond the mark to suggest that the future of
the Saudi regime is assured, but Saudi Arabia offers at least as much prospect of
[156 gg—2] b 3

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Content

This volume primarily concerns British policy regarding the south-eastern boundaries of Saudi Arabia.

It includes interdepartmental discussion regarding the approach that the British Government should take in reaching a settlement with King Ibn Saud [‘Abd al-‘Azīz bin ‘Abd al-Raḥmān bin Fayṣal Āl Sa‘ūd] over the demarcation of the boundaries.

Much of the correspondence discusses the legal and international position of what is referred to as the 'blue line' (the frontier which marked the Ottoman Government's renunciation of its claims to Bahrain and Qatar, as laid down in the non-ratified Anglo-Ottoman Convention of 1913 and redefined and adopted in the Anglo-Ottoman convention of the following year), a line which is not accepted by Ibn Saud as being binding upon his government.

The volume features the following principal correspondents: His Majesty's Minister at Jedda (Sir Andrew Ryan); the Political Resident A senior ranking political representative (equivalent to a Consul General) from the diplomatic corps of the Government of India or one of its subordinate provincial governments, in charge of a Political Residency. in the Persian Gulf The historical term used to describe the body of water between the Arabian Peninsula and Iran. (Lieutenant-Colonel Trenchard Craven William Fowle); the Political Agent A mid-ranking political representative (equivalent to a Consul) from the diplomatic corps of the Government of India or one of its subordinate provincial governments, in charge of a Political Agency. , Kuwait (Lieutenant-Colonel Harold Richard Patrick Dickson); the Political Agent A mid-ranking political representative (equivalent to a Consul) from the diplomatic corps of the Government of India or one of its subordinate provincial governments, in charge of a Political Agency. , Bahrain (Lieutenant-Colonel Percy Gordon Loch); the Chief Commissioner, Aden (Bernard Rawdon Reilly, referred to in the correspondence as Resident); the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister); the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Sir John Simon); the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs; officials of the India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. , the Foreign Office, the Colonial Office, the War Office, and the Air Ministry.

Matters discussed in the correspondence include the following:

  • Whether the British should press Ibn Saud [‘Abd al-‘Azīz bin ‘Abd al-Raḥmān bin Fayṣal Āl Sa‘ūd] for a general settlement of all outstanding major questions.
  • The extent of territory that the British should be prepared to include in any concession made to Ibn Saud.
  • The British response to what are referred to as Ibn Saud's 'ancestral claims' to territories east of the blue line.
  • Sir Andrew Ryan's meetings with Ibn Saud in Taif, in July 1934.
  • Meetings held at the Foreign Office between Sir Andrew Ryan, George Rendel (Head of the Foreign Office's Eastern Department), Fuad Bey Hamza (Deputy Minister for Saudi Foreign Affairs), and Hafiz Wahba (Saudi Arabian Minister in London), in September 1934.
  • The boundaries of a proposed 'desert zone', suggested by Rendel, where Ibn Saud would hold personal rather than territorial rights.
  • Saudi-Qatari relations.
  • Whether tribal boundaries should be considered as a possible solution to the boundary question.

Also included are the following:

The Arabic material consists of one item of correspondence (an English translation is included).

The volume includes a divider which gives a list of correspondence references contained in the volume by year. This is placed at the back of the correspondence (folio 4).

Extent and format
1 volume (392 folios)
Arrangement

The papers are arranged in approximate chronological order from the rear to the front of the volume.

Physical characteristics

Foliation: the foliation sequence (used for referencing) commences at the inside front cover with 1, and terminates at the inside back cover with 394; these numbers are written in pencil, are circled, and are located in the top right corner of the recto The front of a sheet of paper or leaf, often abbreviated to 'r'. side of each folio. A previous foliation sequence, which is also circled, has been superseded and therefore crossed out.

Written in
English and Arabic in Latin and Arabic script
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Coll 6/67(1) 'Boundaries of South-Eastern Arabia and Qatar.' [‎314r] (632/794), British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, IOR/L/PS/12/2134, in Qatar Digital Library <https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100056574351.0x000021> [accessed 25 April 2024]

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