Papers of the War Cabinet's Eastern Committee [‎183v] (366/544)

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* E.C. 2201.
f E.C. 1835.
LOUD CURZON : It was a military agreement, and related solely to the military
occupation of those countries.
GENERAL MACDONOGH: The one which was signed by M. Pichon on behalf
of his Government
LORD ROBERT CECIL : I should think it would be as well to have the
agreement circulated to this Committee.
GENERAL MACDONOGH : It is the only thing we have got on paper which
really gives us something to bargain with against the French, and to make away with
the Sykes-Picot Agreement.
LORD ROBERT CECIL : Yes.
LORD CURZON: Shall we do that ? Perhaps General Wilson and General
Macdonogh will read what has passed here—thev will get a copy of it to-morrow—and
will circulate to us the Paper by the C.I.G.S. and a copy of the agreement, and then
we will take it up again at our next meeting.
GENERAL MACDONOGH : Yes.
SYRIA.
LORD CURZON : To-day we are going to take what is perhaps the most
perplexing of all these issues, because it raises the main source of possible conflict
between ourselves, on the one hand, and the French and the Arabs on the other,
namely, the question of Syria. I propose to take Syria apart from Palestine, that is to
say, to take the case of Palestine after that of Syria, because, although they are a part
of the same problem, they can be both geographically and politically distinguished, and
I am rather reluctant, in the discussion on the vexed question of Syria, that we should
get enmeshed in the scarcely less difficult problems that arise out of Palestine. In the
summary I am now going to give I will deal with Syria as apart from Palestine.
We have already, in our discussion last week about Mesopotamia and the countries
bordering thereon, incidentally touched upon the Syrian question, in so far as we
referred to the Arab populations inhabiting Jezireh, and to Cilicia on the north, and its
possible destiny as a home for the Armenian peoples. I shall say as little as 1 can
about those aspects of the case to-day.
I propose to give in the case of Syria, as I have done in my previous statements
here, first, the historical facts of the case ; secondly, the position in which we are now
placed; thirdly, the policy which, at the Peace Conference or before, it seems desirable
to pursue.
First, as regards the facts of the case. The various pledges are given in the
Foreign Office Paper* which has been circulated, and I need only refer to them in the
briefest possible words. In their bearing upon Syria they are the following: First,
there was the letter to King Hussein from Sir Henry McMahon, of the 24th October,
1915, in which we gave him the assurance that the Hejaz, the red area which we
commonly call Mesopotamia, the brown area or Palestine, the Acre-Haifa enclave An area of land belonging to one country and entirely surrounded by land of just one other country. , the
big Arab areas (A) and (B), and the whole of the Arab Peninsula down to Aden,
should be Arab and independent. No pledge, direct or indirect, was given in that
assurance that King Hussein should either be the titular sovereign or even the suzerain
of such a Confederation of States.
Secondly, there was the declarationf made by the Foreign Office to certain Syrians
on the 11th June, 1918, which was afterwards made public. In that declaration we
stated, first, that in regard to the areas in Arabia which had been free and independent
befoie the war, and [secondly in regard to tho areas which had been emancipated from
Turkey by the action of the Arabs themselves in the war, we recognised the complete
and sovereign independence of the Arabs. These are the two general engagements
which have been made about this area.
Then we come to specific engagements made at different periods. The first of these,
which cannot be altogether omitted, although it is remote, is the well-known reglement
organique of the Lebanon vilayet, the dates of which are June 1861 and September
1864, by which the Great Powers of Europe, including ourselves, committed themselves
to a form of autonomy for that region under a Christian Governor with an Administrative
Council, and with certain further provisions as regards the details of the administration.
I think the question maybe raised, although I do not want to lay very much stress upon