The Nineteenth Century , No 182, Apr 1892 [‎19r] (42/244)

1892
HOW TO FEDERATE
521
Lord Eosebery, in his speech, on Colonial and Foreign Policy at
Leeds in 1888, said:—
A great change has come over the whole of our foreign policy during the last
twenty years. I think you will see a greater change in the next twenty years.
Our foreign policy has become more of a colonial policy, and is becoming every
day more entwined with our colonial interests. Formerly our foreign policy was
mainly an Indian policy—it was mainly guided by considerations of what was best
for our Indian Empire. That brought us into many complications which we might
otherwise have avoided, but which we felt were rightly faced to save so splendid
a possession; but now, owing to causes which I will point out to you, colonial in
fluences must necessarily overshadow our foreign policy. In the first place, our
colonial communities are rising to a pitch of power which makes it natural for us
to listen to them whenever they make representations on their own behalf; and they
do make constant representations on their own behalf. In the next place, we find
that the other Powers are beginning a career of colonial aggrandisement. "We
formerly did not have in our foreign affairs to trouble ourselves much with colonial
questions, because we had a monopoly of colonies. That monopoly has ceased ;
but consider for a moment, as matters stand now, how largely our foreign policy
is a colonial policy. Why, our principal question of foreign policy at this moment
may be said to be the fisheries dispute between Canada and the United States.
It is difficult for some of us—it is difficult, at any rate, for myself—to consider the
L nited States as a foreign power, but the United States in these colonial questions
has interests totally different from ours or those of Canada, and in dealing with
Canadian questions it is clear that the voice of Canada must sound loud in the
councils of the Foreign Office.
You are a coterminous power with Germany in the Pacific. In questions re
lating to the Pacific, the voice of your colonial community in Australia must be
loudly heard, the voice of Australia must be almost paramount in the councils of
the Foreign Office with regard to these questions.
You will have, as I think, to admit the colonies to a much larger share in
your affairs than you do at present. You will have to give them aright to prompt
the voice of England, when it speaks abroad, to a much greater extent than at
present.
Lord Derby, and Lord Stanley, the present Grovernor-General of
Canada, have borne testimony to the assistance the representatives
of the self-governing colonies have been to the Grovernment here in
the administration of public affairs. Lord Thring, in his recent
brochure on £ The Consolidation of the British Empire,' says on this
point: 'The direct intervention of a colony may be secured by
elevating the position of an Agent-General to one more akin to that
of a Minister of a Foreign State, and giving him a facility of access
to the British Government.' Who, with all this evidence before
them, can doubt the advantage to the Imperial Cabinet of the fullest
and freest consultation under the confidential regulations of the
Privy Council with the representatives of the Governments of Canada,
Australasia, and South Africa? If anyone is able to propound a
more practicable means of mutual co-operation and concert in the
interests of the Empire his suggestions will be welcomed.
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