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14. The Saudi Government do not appear to have pressed Iraq much, if at
all, since the establishment of direct relations, over the question of the hospitality
still enjoyed in Iraq by minor personages concerned in the Nejd rebellion of 1929.
15. It is worth noting as a matter bearing sidewise on relations between
Saudi Arabia and Iraq that a Yemeni delegation visited Bagdad in April t^^
exchange ratifications of the treaty concluded between Iraq and the Yemen
1931, when members of Nuri Pasha’s mission to the Hejaz went on to Sana. The
ratifications were exchanged on the 28th April. In November the Iraqi
consul-general at Cairo, apparently a rather irresponsible gentleman, though he
professed to have a private watching brief from King Feisal for Syria and
Western Arabia, engaged in a curious conversation with the oriental secretary
of the Residency An office of the East India Company and, later, of the British Raj, established in the provinces and regions considered part of, or under the influence of, British India. at Cairo, whom he sounded as to the desirability of establishing
an Iraqi mission at Sana to counter Soviet and Italian influence. He observed,
inter alia, that, although Italy was anti-Ibn Saud, Iraq preferred that he should
remain in control of the Hejaz for the present; adding that Iraq would gradually
grow stronger and would eventually be in a position to help the suffering tribes
of the Hejaz without outside help.
16. Another matter which may affect relations between Iraq and Saudi
Arabia is the project, which was much discussed in 1932 in Palestine and
elsewhere, to assemble a general Arab Congress. Ibn Saud has shown so little
inclination to commit himself on this subject that it cannot yet be regarded as a
matter very directly concerning Saudi Arabia. In an interview with a Mecca
journalist in September 1932 he replied to a question on the subject in vague
language of general sympathy with all legitimate Arab aspirations. The
interesting point is that the promoters themselves seem to be divided into three
camps favouring the respective claims of Mecca, Bagdad and Damascus to be
the seat of the congress, the arrangements for which have been delayed by their
divergence of view. Kamil-al-Qassab, an advocate of Mecca being chosen as
the venue, visited Ibn Saud at Riyadh towards the end of the year, with what
result is not known. It is more than doubtful whether the King would welcome a
gathering of ardent Arabs at Mecca, whereas King Feisal seems only too anxious
to see one held in Bagdad.
17. It may be deduced from various indications, only some of which emerge
from the preceding paragraphs, that, in spite of all their recent friendliness,
there is a latent rivalry between Ibn Saud and King Feisal for hegemony in
the Arab world. Their methods are different. Ibn Saud relies on the prestige
derived from his conquests. King Feisal, more politic, seems to have some sort
of a combine between Iraq and Syria as his first objective, and to think that he can
bank on the decay of Ibn Saud to promote the realisation of his ultimate ideal,
which is probably some kind of federation of Arab States, ruled to a large
extent, though not exclusively, by himself and other members of the Hashimite
family. One of the personages who might reappear in connexion with such a
project is old Nuri Shalan, who has for a long time appeared to play no major
political role, but who still has influence, and is probably in touch with both
King Feisal and the Amir Abdullah.
Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan .
General Course of Events.
18. In 1931 such actual incidents as occurred on the frontier between
Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan and Saudi Arabia were overshadowed by the volume of the political
controversies to which they gave rise. It was arranged early in 1932 that
Sir Andrew Ryan should visit Jerusalem to exchange views with the High
Commissioner on the position generally, and more particularly regarding the
only important frontier incident of the previous autumn. On the 28th September,
1931, a party of Shararat tribesmen had raided, inside the Hejaz, but close to
the frontier, a mixed camp of tribesmen belonging to the Beni Atiya and the
Atun section of the Huweytat-bin-Jazi, a Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan tribe which had suffered
heavily from earlier raids. The Atun lost nearly 200 camels, and there was a
storm of indignation among the British authorities in Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan , who
considered the Atun to be unquestionably Transjordan Used in three contexts: the geographical region to the east of the River Jordan (literally ‘across the River Jordan’); a British protectorate (1921-46); an independent political entity (1946-49) now known as Jordan nationals. Ibn' Saud
had bluntly claimed them as his own, and had insisted that he should be left to