File 53/1915 Part IV 'German War: Turkey; Caliphate etc' [‎232v] (461/481)

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ultimately would prove contrary to the general good. He considered that a
revolutionary scheme such as that sketched in Course I)., Map W ::: ' (though 1
had necessarily to be vague on this point) would only be possible if the
various regions were under some form of European control, the Imperial
army and fleet completely abolished, and the Imperial taxes subjected to
International control.
Dr. Fa it is Ximk.—E ditor of the Mokailam held similar views. He
strongly objected to the division of Syria and Palestine, either as annexed
territory or under devolution, though he thought if Damascus could be
included in Palestine under British protection, and the Lebanon retained in
Syria, there would be a considerable advantage to the Syrian Christians by
the elimination of a large body of Moslems and a consequent increase in (he
size of the Christian minority in Syria.
He also expressed the view that the retention of even the shadow of
Ottoman power under any devolutionary scheme was dangerous to Syrian
interests owing to the ingrained subservience of Arabs to Turks in moments
of crisis. 1 could hardly ascertain which he dreaded most, a recrudescence
of Ottoman oppression or French financial exploitation. Neither Dr. Nimr
nor Said Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. Shucair had the slightest hope of an independent Syria
holding together for a day.
M. Bahikvjan. —The Tashnakest editor of the lloussapcr, whom 1 saw
gave me what 1 believe are the intentions and aspirations of his party.
He spoke with a tone of considerable certainty and some authority, and
I should judge that he has a high position of an occult kind in the organi
sation to which he belongs. He spoke somewhat slightly of Boghos Nubar
Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. , as a person wlio had only lately taken an interest in Armenian
affairs, but owing to his rank and position the Tashnakest party had decided
to use him as an instrument. He said that the Tashnakests would stand out
for autonomy under international protection, but that they would be
prepared to accept the suzerainty of Russia. He was very decided on the
question of the division of Armenia, and made it quite clear no partition of
greater and lesser Armenia would be accepted.
lie stated that in the terms of settlement the Armenians would have no
mercy on those who had expropriated lands during the last 30 years, and
that such persons would be “ suppressed ” which term he subsequently used
in connection with the 20 who were lately hanged at Constanti
nople. On the other hand he said Armenians would be prepared to
compound ancient Kurdish feudal rights. He told me that from private
advices he had received no Moslems now survived in the city of Van, that
the district was rapidly filling with refugees from the Caucasus, and that
the Armenians hoped soon to be in possession of Mush.
As regards the limits of Armenia, he showed me on a map an area very
similar to that marked on Maps I. and II. He agreed that the “ six vilayets'”
was only a vague term and that their boundaries were not satisfactory
enough to form the basis of an autonomous vassal state, he was doubtful as
to the inclusion of Sivas. Diarbekir, and Kaiseruk, but considered Erzerum
and Erzinjian essential.
As regards any devolutionary scheme he admitted that under devolution
there were wider opportunities of ultimately developing a real independent
state with an outlet on the Mediterranean and Black Seas, but urged that to
get Armenians to go back to even nominal vassalage to the Ottomans would
be a very difficult task, if they had actually won their independence.
I was much struck by his grasp of detail on ethnographic and geo
graphical problems, and his very close knowledge of the most minute
personal circumstances obtaining in remote districts.
Mourn Dix el Ki kdi. This person is a learned man, the chief of the
Riwak-ul-Akrad of the A1 Azhar university, and is in consequence in touch
with Kurdish opinion. As I had known him before the war he spoke very
freely to me. He said that owing to language, religious divergence, and the
wide determination of the Kurdish people in tribes that there could be no
hope of a Kurdish state. Personally he believed that militant Islam was a
* tie port of Interdepartmental Committee on Asiatic Turkey.