PZ 5636/35 'Egypt: Annual Reports 1934 -1938' [‎132r] (270/342)

powerless to create disorders and, while still maintaining the monopoly of popular
sympathy, had lost much of their prestige owing to their long absence from
office and to their inability any longer to embarrass the administration in the
-Provinces.
10. The Liberals stagnated in an equivocal position as nominal allies of
the Wafd but in profound disagreement with them. On Hafez Afifi Pasha’s
resignation of his post as Egyptian Minister in London (see paragraph 47) the
Liberal party passed a resolution urging close co-operation between Mohammed
Mahmoud Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. and Dr. Hafez Afifi Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. . Although Hafez Afifi did not join
the Liberal party he remained in close contact with them and the dissident
Wafdists, who acted more or less in agreement with the Liberals and were as
powerless as they.
11. Sidky Pasha’s attempts to make trouble for the Government (see para
graph 30 of the annual report for 1933) did not succeed in creating any
parliamentary embarrassment for the Cabinet. In connexion with the report
of the Corniche Road Commission (see paragraph 376), which made several
equivocal mentions of Sidky Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. , the latter, on the eve of his departure for
Europe in May, demanded an immediate hearing in Parliament; this was refused
on the ground of more urgent business. He therefore published some of the
unsavoury details of the relations between Abboud Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. and the Minister of
Public Works and Ibrashi Pasha An Ottoman title used after the names of certain provincial governors, high-ranking officials and military commanders. in connexion with the Gebel Aulia dam
contract. This offensive, which Sidky had announced as likely to bring about the
fall of the regime, turned out to be rather a tame affair and had no effect in
shaking the regime, which in any case did not rest on a reputation for integrity.
12. The Shaab and Ittehad parties continued to collaborate under Palace
dictation. This imposed collaboration lent an air of unreality to the proceedings
of Parliament which were mainly a reflection of Palace desires. Parliament rose
on the 28th June without having given the Government any cause for anxiety.
13. The Government soon found themselves involved in trouble with the
Native Bar. At the end of December 1933 they passed a law by which any
lawyer convicted by the Council of Discipline forfeited eligibility to membership
of the Bar Council. This law was made retroactive in order to invalidate the
election of Makram Obeid, who, after having been reprimanded by the Council
of Discipline, was elected President of the Bar Council. Constitutionally it was
doubtful whether such a law could be made retroactive. Anyhow, the Bar refused
to elect another president. The Government accordingly dissolved the Bar
Council and proceeded to elaborate legislation for the election of a Bar Council
on lines which would have precluded Makram Ooeid s candidatuie. btiong
criticism by the Judicial Commission of the Senate in May led the Government
t 0 shelve their Bill until the parliamentary recess, but within a week of Parlia
ment rising, on the 5th July, decree-laws dealing with this question were suddenly
promulgated The challenge was vigorously taken up, and the Government s
w^rA riAvpr offeetivelv enforced. Wiser counsels might have deterrea
assumption of office, this legislation was the first of that promulgated under the
1930 regime to be rescinded (by decree-laws of the 20th December).
ia tVia fPwArnrnent were also involved in some trouble with ex-Nabil
15. Official mvestiga
and of the administration
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