'Minutes memos despatches etc' [‎57v] (114/156)

country, we create thereby no monopoly. We claim no exclusive rights for
ourselves to the exclusion of other Powers, and indeed some of them have rendered,
and are at this moment rendering, substantial service to that country.
In one of the printed letters attached to the agreement there is a further under
taking on the part of the British Government to co-operate with the Persian Govern
ment with a view to the realisation, among other points, of these two in particular :
the claims of Persia to compensation for material damage suffered at the hands of
other belligerents, and, secondly, the rectification of the frontiers of Persia at the
points agreed upon by the parties. To this is added that the manner, time, and
means to be chosen for pursuing these aims shall be discussed as soon as practicable
by the two Governments. I believe that among the objects which will occupy His
Highness during his visit to this country will be conversations with myself upon this
matter. I shall be only too happy to enter into these discussions and to arrive at an
agreement, and should he so desire it, we shall gladly give our support to the Persian
Delegates at Paris should they desire to raise these claims at the Conference in that
city. (Cheers.)
Trouble Ahead in Asia.
In the replies that I have given to the criticisms of the agreement I have spoken
not only for myself, but I have the consent of the eminent statesman who is our
guest. I have argued the case for this agreement in the main from the way in which
it allects, on the one hand, the interests of Persia, and. on the other, the interests of
bre at Britain. But I myself regard it from a far wider point of view. If I
attempt to forecast the future nothing seems to me, in this era of confusion and chaos
to be more certain than this: that a time of great'trouble and unforeseen develop
ments lies before the Continent of Asia. I doubt very much whether, as a result of
the war we shall have succeeded in pacifying Europe; but whether we have done so
or not, 1 am quite certain we shall not for some time secure stabilitv in Asia The
break-up of two great Empires, Russia and Turkey, has left a vacuum in this area
pwiro W t k6 a /?f a i t u de - 1 0f , time ? nd toil t0 fil1 with settled and orderly
ekments. The use of Bolshevism during the past few months has introduced a new
and disturbing element upon the scene, and we may be certain that, so long as that
potter retains force and vitality, we shall see a violent propaganda pushed through-
out the various countries of Asia through Transcaspia and Afghanistan, to the
ooiders of China, and it may be that in escaping the dangers of the recent war we
may nave to confront perils even more serious in the future.
If that forecast be not over-gloomy, if it be correct, nothing could be worse for
ie peace of Asia, and indeed for the peace of the world, than that there should
exist m the heart of the Middle East a country which, by reason of its weakness,
' °came a possible centre of intrigue and focus of disorder. A weak joint in the
armour at the particular point at which Persia stands would mean that'Asia would
be split asunder. What we want to secure, if possible, is a solid block in which
reasonable, tranquil, and ordered conditions will prevail from Burmah in the East to
Mesopotamia in the West, and, in so far as Great Britain is responsible either bf
possession or by political influence, for any of these areas, she will devote herself to
int task (cheers). If this end be, as I contend, a right and reasonable end, it is
necessary, it is vital, that Great Britain and Persia should work together in order to
secure it. Any antagonism, any friction and jealousy between the two would com
promise and might destroy, success; but the first condition of the recognition of this
principle must be that Persia shall act, as we have acted during the recent nf<Uia
tions, as free agents. B ut^uua-
, , I ask our guest to give, as I am confident he will be able to do, recognition to the
/ K , iat m y® recent negotiations between us both parties have acted with absolute
freedom, and have been subject to no pressure whatsoever. We could not have
imposed this agreement upon Persia if she had not been willing to accept it and she
could not have wrung it from us. We are jointly prepared to defend this aereement
and we look forward to the vindication of its real character in its operation It "s'
therefore with the pledge that we shall be loyal to the agreement which they have
concluded with us. and m the confident belief that they will interpret it and wilfcar™
guest.' n (Cheers 8 )" Sp ‘ 1 aSk y ° U t0j ° ln m dnnkin K the health of our illustrfob
Persia and the League of Nations.
Prince Firouz, in a brief reply, said he v^as profoundly touched bv the fhair
man s words of welcome. He was very delighted to be in the British capital. He