Papers of the Interdepartmental Conference on Middle Eastern Affairs [‎32r] (63/290)

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(c.) On the railway to Tiflis on the Azerbaijan boundary, one battalion.
(d.) At Akhalhalaka and Alaverdi, half battalion. This half battalion is required
to maintain order in the district which formed the scene of conflict between
Georgia and Armenia, and was one of tbe conditions by which peace was
attained.
(e.) At Kazbek, guarding the north of the province, one battalion.
These detachments are required solely for the purpose of maintaining troops on
the spot to keep order, but, in addition, it is essential to have a central force which
would have two distinct roles to fulfil, (a) the subjugation of the territory comprised in
the Georgian Republic, in case of opposition or anarchy; (b) the timely reinforcement
of all or any of the permanent detachments mentioned above.
The best locality for this force for the province already mentioned is Tiflis. A
force concentrated here has a complete hold on the province of Tiflis. The old province
of Kutais, incorporated in the Georgian Republic, is in many ways different in thought
and policy from Tiflis, and has even more pronounced Bolshevist sympathies.
Nevertheless, Tiflis seems the best place from which Kutais can be kept in order, and
on account of lines of communication it is the best place from which to reinforce the
various detachments in Georgia, Batum, Kars, and Nakhichevan. Here, I consider,
two infantry brigades, a squadron of cavalry, artillery, and cyclists should be
concentrated, but, jmder existing circumstances, I have not the necessary battalions to
carry this proposition into force. Another reason for keeping a strong force at Tiflis is
to deal with the conditions which may arise after the Peace Conference has given its
decision. If, for instance, Georgia, Kars, and Nakhichevan, to mention the three most
irreconcilable elements, are disappointed in their aspirations, any or all of them may
begin to fight, in which case the troops at my disposal are insufficient to deal with the
situations which may arise.
Situation in Azerbaijan.
The Azerbaijan Republic came into existence in March or April 1918, after the
i^rmenians and Bolshevists had turned the Mussulman out of the Apsheron Peninsula.
It then had its seat of Government at Elizabetpol as an anti-Bolshevist administration
imbued with Pan-Islamic ideas. It, however, only really became a governing
organisation after tbe capture of Baku by the Turks, and under their protection it
moved to Baku. At the time of the capture of the town the Tartars massacred 15,000
Armenians. The territory claimed by the Republic comprises the Baku Government,
the Elizabetpol Government, the district known as Zakatalsk, and the portion of what
is known as the Erivan Government. The population of these districts is approximately
2,000,000 Mussulmans or Tartars, 700,000 Armenians, and about 200,000 Russians.
The name Azerbaijan, which is really a district in the north-west of Persia, was
given to this new Republic at the instigation of the Turk and the Pan-Islamic
“Mussawat” Society. In Persian Azerbaijan the same language is spoken, and the
majority of the inhabitants are of the same Mussulman sect. The hope of the
Pan-Islamics was that under the protection of a successful Germany and Turkey the
Republic would eventually absorb the Persian Azerbaijan, which for some time past has
been practically kept by Russia, and would so form a large Tartar-speaking Republic
on the shores of the Caspian. If the Azerbaijan Republic is to remain in any shape or
form, it would be advisable to change its name.
The Government consists of a Parliament and a Council of Ministers, the former
self-elected, the latter formed by arrangement, and has anti-Socialistic tendencies. On
the reoccupation by the British in November 1918 the Tartar Government was allowed
to continue, but its position was substantially changed. It was the British intention
to form a moderate representative Government, in which all three races—Tartars,
Russians, and Armenians—would be represented. Difficulties have taken place in
carrying out this arrangement. At present the Russians are represented by members
of the Slavonic Society, who are not recognised by the Russian population, and the
Russian National Council has refused to enter the Government. The Armenians have
so far abstained from all co-operation, though the latest information showed that they
were beginning to think of coming in. The reins of Government are therefore
practically in tbe hands of the Mussulman, all of whom are former residents of Baku,
and some of whom have considerable interest in the town. With the exception of the
Minister of War, no member of the Government has ever held any sort of administrative
post; the result of such a state of affairs can be imagined.
[987]—309 ' E