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Papers on British policy and the Arab movement [99v] (202/380)
The record is made up of 1 file (187 folios). It was created in 1 Jul 1916-7 Dec 1918. It was written in English and French. The original is part of the British Library: India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. Records and Private Papers Documents collected in a private capacity. .
Transcription
This transcription is created automatically. It may contain errors.
If his Excellency approves of the contents of this note I suggest that it form the
basis of a telegram to the Foreign Office.
It is obvious that action in the sense which I have recommended can only be
taken provided it is clear that we are not bound by the terms of the Sykes-Picot
agreement to act in conjunction with the French in matters affecting Central and
Southern Arabia.
G. F. CLAYTON, Brigadier-General, C.P.O.
Enclosure in No. 2.
Secret Note by Brigadier-General Clayton on King Huseins Letter and Memorandum.
Ramleh, September 8, 1918.
KING HCSEIN is in a state of mind which, unless rectified, may lead to
serious consequences. He may at any moment take action which would involve
disastrous effects on our Arab policy. In that case we should be forced to intervene,
and our only effective method of controlling him is by stopping his subsidy. If we
threaten to do this we must carry out our threat unless he falls in with our wishes. In
his present frame of mind he would probably refuse, and the first result would be his
actual resignation, which he has threatened more than once.
If King Husein were to resign now, the whole existence of the Arab movement
would be endangered. Disintegration would be the result, followed perhaps by a
conflagration in Central Arabia, of which the enemy would take full advantage, and
which would seriously affect our military operations, apart from the loss of prestige
involved by a collapse of our Arab policy.
It is of vital importance, therefore, to rectify King Husein’s present attitude of
mind, which is primarily due to uncertainty as to the eventual intentions of His
Majesty’s Government regarding him.
Two courses appear open :—
First, that His Majesty’s Government inform King Husein definitely that their
policy in regard to Central and Southern Arabia is directed towards Arab unity under
a suzerain authority, with complete guarantee of local independence and autonomy for
each chief concerned. That His Majesty’s Government would welcome King Husein
as Suzerain, provided he is accepted by other chieftains. That the influence of His
Majesty’s Government will be exerted towards the fulfilment of this policy, in so far as
may be possible without the use of compulsion. To employ coercive measures against
any friendly Arab chief would be contrary to the principles of His Majesty’s Government.
On the other hand, His Majesty’s Government must insist that their continued support
of this policy is contingent upon King Husein accepting the advice of His Majesty’s
Government on all matters of external policy.
In considering this course we have to remember our pledges to King Husein and
the moral obligation imposed upon us by his initiation of the Arab revolt and his
unswerving loyalty to Great Britain.
Second, to leave matters as they are and to risk the consequences.
In this case we risk the resignation of King Husein, who is the only commanding
figure in the Arab revolt, which must then either collapse entirely or at best relapse
into spasmodic tribal action against the Turks. In any case much of the military and
the bulk of the political value of the movement must be lost. As regards future settle
ment in the Arabian peninsula, the best that could then be hoped for is the formation
of a number of small States under Arab rulers devoid even of the nominal controlling
influence formerly exercised by the Turkish Government.
A definite decision on this question is essential, and the policy decided on should
be communicated to all concerned, with definite instructions to act in accordance with
its principles. As matters stand at present, there is ambiguity which has already giver
rise to misunderstanding.
• *
It would be neither necessary nor advisable to make any public declaration of the
Suzerain ” policy at present, but it would reassure King Husein if the British agent
at Jeddah could be authorised to inform him that it had been adopted by His Majesty’s
Government.
In the event of His Majesty’s Government deciding to adopt the “ Suzerain ”
About this item
- Content
This file contains correspondence, memoranda, maps, manuscript notes, and other papers relating to the political and territorial settlement of parts of the Middle East following the First World War. Many of the papers were collected for the attention of the Middle East Committee (later named the Eastern Committee, following the mergence of the Foreign Office's Russia Committee and the interdepartmental Persia Committee) of the War Cabinet. Contributors include officials from the War Office, Foreign Office, Admiralty, and India Office The department of the British Government to which the Government of India reported between 1858 and 1947. The successor to the Court of Directors. , as well as indivduals such as Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Edward Lawrence. Correspondence comes from representatives of the French and Italian governments as well as British officials in Cairo and other parts of the Middle East.
The papers deal with plans for the region presuming and following an Allied victory in the First World War and take into consideration the imperial ambitions of the victorious European Powers (France, Italy, Russia, Britain, and the United States) and the multitudinous commitments made by the British to various groups. The plans are based on evolving agreements rooted in the Sykes-Picot, or Asia Minor, Agreement between the British and French of 1916. Regions under consideration include the Hejaz (sometimes written Hedjaz), Syria, Northern Iraq, Southern Iraq, Palestine, Armenia, Turkey, the Idrisi state, Yemen, Persia, and Afghanistan. Various matters are covered in the file, but particular focus is given to plans for the Sherifian family of the Hejaz, led by King Husein [Ḥusayn bin ‘Alī al-Hāshimī], which impacted upon policy in Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine, and the Arabian Peninsula. Other matters include the situation between Jews and Arabs in Palestine, wartime commitments to ruling shaikhs in the Persian Gulf The historical term used to describe the body of water between the Arabian Peninsula and Iran. , the French position in the region, and desiderata of the Government of India for any peace settlement.
- Extent and format
- 1 file (187 folios)
- Arrangement
The file is arranged in chronological order from the front to the back.
- Physical characteristics
Foliation: the foliation sequence (used for referencing) commences at the front first page with 1, and terminates at the inside back last page with 187; these numbers are written in pencil, are circled, and are located in the top right corner of the recto The front of a sheet of paper or leaf, often abbreviated to 'r'. side of each folio.
- Written in
- English and French in Latin script View the complete information for this record
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Papers on British policy and the Arab movement [99v] (202/380), British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, Mss Eur F112/277, in Qatar Digital Library <https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100079857499.0x000003> [accessed 8 June 2026]
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Copyright: How to use this content
- Reference
- Mss Eur F112/277
- Title
- Papers on British policy and the Arab movement
- Pages
- 1ar:1av, 1r:14r, 14r:14v, 14v, 22r:59v, 62r:98r, 99v:120v, 125r:133v, 136r:165r, 166r:167r, 167av, 168r:173r, 175r:176v, 178r:187v
- Author
- East India Company, the Board of Control, the India Office, or other British Government Department
- Usage terms
- Open Government Licence