Report of the Special Mission to Egypt under Lord Milner, and related papers [‎79r] (159/473)

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and agitators, little disposition was shown by the small farmers to take part in any
such movement. Where disorders occurred, it was generally the railways which
became the object of aggression, and there is reason to believe that the attacks
upon them were carried out in pursuance of a pre-existing plan for a (lermano-Turkish
attack on the Canal, supported by a simultaneous rising in Egypt. This would account
for certain indications of concerted action revealed in the disturbances ol March 1919.
There is some evidence to show that discontent was stimulated by the controlled
price of cotton, which denied the cultivator the advantage of competing in foreign
markets, while the rent of his land continued to advance. But the more obvious factors
arising out of the war to alienate his goodwill were: (a) The recruiting for the
Egyptian Labour and Camel Transport Corps ; (b) the requisition of domestic animals ;
(c) the requisition of cereals ; (r/) the collections for the Red Cross Fund. In each case
it was not so much the measures themselves that were resented as the manner
in which they were carried out.
As regards (a), the recruiting for the Egyptian Labour and Camel Transport
Corps, it seems evident that once enrolled the men were, as a rule, satisfied with the
conditions, and that the wages paid were of great benefit to the poorer classes of the
population. The hospital accommodation provided for them does not seem to have
been altogether satisfactory, and there were evidently among their officers many ignorant
of their language and without experience in handling them. But their readiness to
re-enlist again and again, and the fact that those actually serving gave no trouble
during the events of March 1919, shews that grievances against the service were
not serious. So long as the Labour Corps was locally raised from volunteers arrange
ments worked satisfactorily. There was some discontent at the prolongation of service
beyond the contractual period after recruiting was taken over by a military organisation.
But it was after the voluntary system had ceased to supply a sufficient number of
recruits, and when administrative pressure was applied to obtain them, that abuses
began. In view of the announcement made at the outbreak of war with Turkey that
Egyptians would not be required to take part in it, the voluntary system was maintained
in name, but measures of compulsion were applied by the < Imdehs, the unpaid
administrative officers in the country districts, to whom recruiting was entrusted
without supervision by British officials, most of whom had been recalled for duties
elsewhere. There is no doubt that unscrupulous Omdehs took advantage of the
position, sending their enemies to serve, while letting off their friends, and accepting
bribes for exemptions and substitutions. In some cases measures resembling those
of the press gang were adopted, and British pressure was asserted as the excuse for
them. As to the extent of the abuses there seems to be some conflict of opinion. But
they were frequent enough to cause much discontent in certain regions, and gave
the political agitator his opportunity.
As regards (b), the requisition of domestic animals, though the fellah Arabic for ‘peasant’. It was used by British officials to refer to agricultural workers or to members of a social class employed primarily in agricultural labour. was often
hardly hit by the removal of his means of transport, prices which were good at the
time seem to have been paid when the animals were taken. On the other hand the
prices at which they could be bought back at the end of the war were often considerably
higher. While the fellahin Arabic for ‘peasant’. It was used by British officials to refer to agricultural workers or to members of a social class employed primarily in agricultural labour. were naturally most unwilling to part with their animals,
there does not appear to have been much real ground for grievance on account of
these requisitions, inevitable in a state of war. But they naturally would not tend to
increase goodwill towards those held responsible for them.
A more fertile source of discontent was (c), the requisition of cereals. Owing to
the demand for the army prices advanced, and market rates were considerably higher
than requisition rates. Districts were assessed to furnish a given quantity, and the
collection was left to local officials, who derived large profits from the transaction. Lot
only did Omdehs collect larger amounts than they were required to furnish at requisition
rates and sell the balance at the higher market rate, but individuals who possessed no
wheat had to buy their quota at market rates and hand it over at the lower requisition
rate. The process of verification and repayment was slow, and it appears to be
substantiated from the evidence submitted that the provincial officials retained the
gums received to make payments in their own hands for long periods, and that Omdehs
and Sheikhs, who were entrusted with sums in bulk for distribution, in many cases
held back a portion of these moneys. The local officials were mainly responsible for
the abuses which occurred, but they were attributed to the British, who, under the
exceptional conditions prevailing, were unable to control them.
As regards (d), the collections for the Red Cross Fund, these were organised
locally by Egy ptian Mamurs and Omdehs, and while intended to be voluntary, were,
in practice, frequently made compulsory by officials seeking to acquire merit by the
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