Publications, Newspaper Cuttings, Photographs and Correspondence about Persia and the Persian Gulf [‎264r] (528/879)

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- (56L.)
RUSSIA AND PERSIA.
(FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.)
ST. PETERSBURG, WEDNESDAY.
The article which lately appeared in the
German Reichswehr, and was reproduced in The
Standard of the 2d inst., though it contains a
certain amount of truth as regards the general
situation in Persia, is calculated to mislead in
its details. The growth of Russian influence is
ascribed to recent events in the dominions of
the Shah, and as a proof of the progress made
by Russian enterprise three undertakings are
quoted as having been recently initiated on
concessions freshly given. The history of these
concessions is, however, not of so very young
date, and is instructive enough, perhaps, to
merit being given in full.
In 1887 several capitalists were striving for a
railway concession from Resht to Enzeli, and
the Russians, being best accustomed to Persian
methods, were on the point of obtaining it, but
were baulked at the last moment by the firm
resistance of Sir H. D. Wolff. In revenge the
Russian authorities refused to allow an English
company to profit by it, and it became evident
that some subterfuge would have to be adopted.
M. Poliakoff therefore invited some Belgian
capitalists, Messrs. Ottlet and Gaumont, to apply
for the concession, which was granted to them in
1887 or in the beginning of 1888. The concern
thus started was a Belgian one, with M. Lazar
Salomonovitch Poliakoff as a partner, and a M.
Zaitchenko, then acting as Persian Consul
General at Moscow, as a go-between. The con
cession as originally granted was only for a high
road, and distinctly forbade a railway between
Resht and Enzeli; but it also gave permission
to construct a sort of model line for four versts,
or about two and a half miles, between Teheran
and the convent of Abdul Azim, and to run
tramways in Teheran itself.
The Persian aversion to railways, with their
shrieking whistles and their desecrating rails
running over ground where the dead may
possibly have been buried centuries ago, may
seem absurd to Western notions, but is a
serious obstacle to would-be engineers. The toy
line to Abdul Azim was built in order to
accustom the natives to the engines and para
phernalia of a railway line, and it cost a con
siderable number of Belgian francs, but can
scarcely be considered as a mark of Persian
favour accorded to Russia, as it has fallen into
disuse, and was never intended for anything more
661)
RUSSIA AND PERSIA.
(FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.)
ST. PETERSBURG, WEDNESDAY.
The article which lately appeared in the
German Reichswehr, and was reproduced in I he
Standard of the 2d inst., though it contains a
certain amount of truth as regards the general
situation in Persia, is calculated to mislead in
its details. The growth of Russian influence is
ascribed to recent events in the dominions of
the Shah, and as a proof of the progress made
by Russian enterprise three undertakings are
quoted as having been recently initiated on
concessions freshly given. The history of these
concessions is, however, not of so very young
date, and is instructive enough, perhaps, to
merit being given in full.
In 1887 several capitalists were striving for a
railway concession from Resht to Enzeli, and
the Russians, being best accustomed to Persian
methods, were on the point of obtaining it, but
were baulked at the last moment by the firm
resistance of Sir H. D. Wolff. In revenge the
Russian authorities refused to allow an English
company to profit by it, and it became evident
that some subterfuge would have to be adopted.
M. Poliakoff therefore invited some Belgian
capitalists, Messrs. Ottlet and Caumont, to apply
for the concession, which was granted to them in
1887 or in the beginning of 1888. The concern
thus started was a Belgian one, with M. Lazar
Salomonovitch Poliakoff as a partner, and a M.
Zaitchenko, then acting as Persian Consul
General at Moscow, as a go-between. The con
cession as originally granted was only for a high
road, and distinctly forbade a railway between
Resht and Enzeli; but it also gave permission
to construct a sort of model line for four versts,
or about two and a half miles, between Teheran
and the convent of Abdul Azim, and to run
tramways in Teheran itself.
The Persian aversion to railways, with their
shrieking whistles and their desecrating rails
running over ground where the dead may
possibly have been buried centuries ago, may
seem absurd to Western notions, but is a
serious obstacle to would-be engineers. The toy
line to Abdul Azim was built in order to
accustom the natives to the engines and para
phernalia of a railway line, and it cost a con
siderable number of Belgian francs, but can
scarcely be considered as a mark of Persian
favour accorded to Russia, as it has fallen into
disuse, and was never intended for anything more
is a poor business, running down one street,
and never paying its working expenses. The
principal concession for the road carried with
it many privileges, giving the concessionaires a
verst of land on either side of the chausste when
it was made, together with various other rights,
which, however, were never exercised by any
body, because the road was never begun. In
fact the whole of the Persian business so dis
gusted the Belgians that they threw it up, and,
profiting by a clause which gave them the right
to sell—a clause expressly inserted by M.
Poliakoff—they handed over the whole concern
to him in 1891.
But just about this time Prince Dolgorouky,
Governor General of Moscow and the principal
protector of M Poliakoff, fell into disgrace.
The story of his fall would possibly be interest
ing, but is too long to relate. Suffice it to say
that M. Poliakoff quickly found his position
radically changed, and himself in danger of
being expelled from Moscow as a Jew. M.
Zaitchenko, however, got into trouble oppor
tunely, and was compelled to fly, and M.
Poliakoff bought from him the representation of
Persia, thus enabling him to defy all attempts
on his liberty. We thus find M. Poliakoff
in 1891 in sole possession of all the
Belgian concessions and of the Persian Consu
late General; but none of these fell to him
through any exercise of Russian official influ
ence. What the Russian Foreign Office did for
him was this. On the transfer of the conces
sions several clauses were altered—notably,
permission was given to " provide in the most
complete and convenient manner for transport
between Resht and Enzeli,” and this compro
hensive language can certainly be construed at
any moment into the right to contruct a rail
way. But there is not the slightest chance of
M. Poliakoff ever building a railway, nor has he
yet made any move towards constructing a
high road, and an intimate friend of his re
marked to me some time ago that the mere
mention of Persia was sufficient to enrage M.
Poliakoff for a whole day.
Those most competent to judge, and I have
spoken to many on this subject, all agree that,
though at first sight the concession looks
tempting, it is not one out of which money
can be made, and, consequently, is one for
which capital can never be found. It may
be taken for granted that neither road nor rail
way will ever be built by private enterprise;.
but it is quite possible that for strategical and
political purposes the Russian Government may
itself take over the concession and work it.
This would enormously increase Russian prestige
in Persia—in fact, it would almost reduce Persia
to a Dependency. But the present Finance
Minister is not the man to spend the millions
required in Persia, and his successors are also
more likely to direct their energies and their
surpluses, when they have any, to opening up
communications with their rich and almost
virgin possessions in Central Asia than to
strengthening a hold on Persia, which geogra
phically is at their mercy whenever they choose
to threaten it. 2’0