Publications, Newspaper Cuttings, Photographs and Correspondence about Persia and the Persian Gulf [‎313v] (629/879)

MAIL EDITION.
hat the enforcement of the ordinary cri- | s]
ninal law is repression, is dangerous non- tl
sense. To our mind the most unpleasant as
pect of Egyptian affairs as depicted in Sir
Eldon Gorst’s report is the failure to recog
nise this simple and fundamental fact.
The growth of these new political forces
in Egypt, culminating in the murder of the
Premier, has been made the ground of an
acrimonious condemnation of the Consul-
General, and of unfavourable comparisons
with
may
Lord
forms
his
be
eminent
extremely
Cromer left
predecessor,
unfair.
Cairo the
These
Before
baser
of the Nationalist
had begun to manifest themselvi
agitation
s. Lord
B
tl
tl
n
a
P
tl
f:
c
b
n
d
Cromer had himself commenced painfully to
recognise that the mid-Victorian Liberal prin-
ciples which he applied to the treatment of
the Egyptian press were wrong. Moreover,
during the time when his work in Egypt was
brilliantly successful, Lord Cromer had be
hind him Lord Salisbury, Lord Rosebery and
Lord Lansdowne. We cannot tell how far Sir
Eldon Gorst has been the executor of his
own policy, or the instrument of the curious
band of politicians who now form the Gov
ernment of the Empire. But there are cer
tain aspects of the Egyptian situation which
force upon Great Britain more decisive
action. We have not a free hand in Cairo,
despite the greater liberty conferred by the
Anglo-French entente. We are in Egypt
as the trustees of the Powers with enormous
interests in the country, and our presence
has been accepted because of the belief
;hatwe can fulfil our mission more success-
ully and with greater altruism than any
>ther European nation- If that confidence
s sapped, the position not of Great Bri-
ain so much as of Egypt, will become intoler-
ble. France is already reported to be
rowing restive. We stand convicted, on
ur own confession, of two grave mistakes.
- recent telegram informed us that the
Egyptian Government have carried the em-
loyment of a native agency An office of the East India Company and, later, of the British Raj, headed by an agent. farther than the
ountry is ready for, and that the corrective
3 being applied. The Consul-General ad-
lits that he under-estimated the pernicious.
fluence of a press that incites to political
rime, and that the existing law must be
lore firmly applied. It is no answer to plead
hat these errors sprang from a mis-
uided altruism: there is no more dangerous
nd cruel force than that of ignorant, blind
umanitarianism. If we are to continue to
ilfil our duty in Egypt, the remedy must
e applied sharply and without delay. If
ir Eldon Gorst does not feel that this is a
olicy he can resolutely execute, then Cairo
. no fit place for him. It is the veriest
umbug to call this policy either reactionary
r repressive. It is entirely consistent with
re reasoned development of Egyptian liber-
es. Indeed we go farther and say that in
la
a
m
A
of
di
er
ch
be
of
m
th
w
ev
m
pt
at
fo
en
di
si<
al
ca
th
sh
II
th
of
H
“t
he
R
he
poltres. -ocuroc- -----9 --- --------
whether the spectacular or substantial satis-
factions of carrying the Finance. Bill
were
worth the risk and odium in which such
conditions are bound to implicate
party.
their
gypt, as in India, it is the only policy at
11 compatible with political growth, because
The issue raised between the Premier and
the Sovereign will doubtless exude a vapour
of sentiment in which its real merits may
tend to become obscured—and Mr. Asquith,
who will be the inevitable sufferer in such a
case, must have been very hard pressed
before consenting to place himself at such 1
disadvantage. But, apart from all considera
tion of that chivalry which Englishmen ins
tinctively demand in the treatment of the
Crown, the Premier’s course is indefensible
upon any grounds of legitimate procedure.
There is no inherent impropriety in the crea-
le greatest enemy of reform is the political tion of Peers for the furtherance of a popular
riminal, and the second greatest enemy of measure, or in an application to the Sover-
form and progress is the administrator who
onnives at the existence of forces which in-
uce the manufacture of political criminals.
eign at the proper time for the use of his
(The Times of India, Wednesday, May 18.)
The
Ministerial
Outlook.
Mr. Redmond has made it
quite clear that Mr. Asquith
will not be allowed to modify
his policy in consequence of
the death of King Edward.
fter a “decent interval of mourning” the
people’s campaign against the Lords” will
> on, and the only change in the situation
that the attack upon the Lords and the
peal of the Government to the Crown
ill, be postponed for a month or two : it will
t be abandoned and it will not be modified,
e can therefore consider the political situa-
n as if King Edward had not died. Now
e carrying of the “People’s Budget” over
i obstacles and after all vicissitudes on to
e Statute-book made an effective “cur-
in,” as dramatists say, for the eve of the
arliamentary Recess, and if the aims and
quirements of Government were purely
tistic, Mr. Asquith and Mr. Lloyd George
ould have earned congratulations upon a
filing coup de theatre. In point of form,
makes an effective retort to the action of
le Peers last December, and it may poss-
)ly raise the spirits of supporters who have
ot been finding the conditions of political
fe particularly cheerful. It is another
uestion, however, to ask whether the
chievement is really a substantial one and
hether it was worth the drawbacks and
icrifices that are somewhat conspicuously
ivolved in its completion. Upon the sur-
ice, their success ought to be of great im-
artanee to Ministers in demonstrating that
le country was with them in the
sue upon which they joined battle
financial
with the
ords. But this, unfortunately, is a claim
hich the circumstances of their
assumed
iumph expressly prohibit them from advan-
ng. They have carried the Budget with
e indispensable assistance of the Irish vote
nd that vote was lent them, as one of •
It;
Prerogative. That process has been des
cribed as “the safety-valve of the Constitu-
tion;" it was authorised by William IV in
the case of the Reform Bill, and without it
there would be no visible means of over
coming a deadlock in which the Peers and
the country were set in genuine and obstinate
antagonism. But it is a method which ought
to be breached only when a measure that has
been explicitly defined and unmistakably en
dorsed by the will of the nation is blocked
by a resistance which all other expedients
have failed to surmount. None of these
conditions is fulfilled by the Veto policy.
When Mr. Asquith approaches the King for
“guarantees,” his Veto Bill will not even
have been discussed or passed by the House
of Commons, and there will be no certainty
as to the final form in which it would ce
submitted to the Peers (unless Mr. Asquith
means to imply that he rules the Lower
House upon the lines of Sic volo, sic jubeo)
or as to the view which the country may
cherish of its matured provisions. What
Mr. Asquith will be demanding is the King’s
authority for the forcible enactment of a
measure whose explicit features are not yet
ascertained. His Majesty will be invited to
sign a blank cheque—to pledge his Prero
gative to a Bill for whose contents he will
have no security. The gross injustice of
trying to commit the Sovereign to the exer
cise of a peculiarly delicate power under such
conditions would be manifest, even if there
were no other ladies in the Prime Minister's
attitude. But an even graver reproach
attaches to the circumstances in which Mr.
Asquith is endeavouring to compromise the
Sovereign. The Government have announced
that the abolition of the Veto is not the con-
1 summation of their policy, which includes the
■ establishment of a reformed Second Cham-
। ber. But they are quite well aware that the -
I Irish, the Labour Party and the majority of
their own followers will not support them in
i the second part of their undertaking—that
: after the work of destruction has been accom-
, plished the greater part of their majority will
S
c.
omyponcy
11 compatible with political growth, because
e greatest enemy of reform is the political
riminal, and the second greatest enemy of
eform and progress is the administrator who
onnives at the existence of forces which in-
uce the manufacture of political criminals.
(The Times of India, Wednesday, May 18.)
The
Ministerial
Outlook.
Mr. Redmond has made it
quite clear that Mr. Asquith
will not be allowed to modify
his policy in consequence of
the death of King Edward.
fter a "decent interval of mourning” the
-people’s campaign against the Lords” will
% on, and the only change in the situation
4 that the attack upon the Lords and the
“peal of the Government to the Crown
.ill be postponed for a month or two: it will
bt be abandoned and it will not be modified,
“he can therefore consider the political situa-
—in as if King Edward had not died. Now
e carrying of the “People’s Budget” over
"" obstacles and after all vicissitudes on tc
0 e Statute-book made an effective “cur-
in,” as dramatists say, for the eve of the
“arliamentary Recess, and if the aims and
"quirements of Government were purely
3 ^tistic, Mr. Asquith and Mr. Lloyd George
ould have earned congratulations upon a
Lalling coup de theatre. In point of form,
’ 1 makes an effective retort to the action of
any 111 osror P " "
Thore is no inherent impropriety in the crea
tion of Peers for the furtherance of a popular
measure, or in an application to the Sover
eign at the proper time for the use of his
Prerogative. That process has been des
cribed as “the safety-valve of the Constitu
tion ;” it was authorised by William IV in
the case of the Reform Bill, and without it
there would be no visible means of over
coming a deadlock in which the Peers and
the country were set in genuine and obstinate
antagonism. But it is a method which ought
to be broached only when a measure that has
been explicitly defined and unmistakably en
dorsed by the will of the nation is blocked
by a resistance which all other expedients
have failed to surmount. None of these
conditions is fulfilled by the Veto policy.
When Mr. Asquith approaches the King for
“guarantees,” his Veto Bill will not even
have been discussed or passed by the House
of Commons, and there will be no certainty
as to the final form in which it would be
submitted to the Peers (unless Mr. Asquith
means to imply that he rules the Lower
House upon the lines of Sic volo, sic juheo)
or as to the view which the country may
cherish of its matured provisions. What
Mr. Asquith will be demanding is the King’s
authority for the forcible enactment of a
measure whose explicit features are not yet
ascertained. His Majesty will be invited to
sign a blank cheque—to pledge his Prero
gative to a Bill for whose contents he will
have no security. The gross injustice of
trying to commit the Sovereign to the exer
cise of a peculiarly delicate power under such
conditions would be manifest, even if there
were no other laches in the Prime Minister's
attitude. But an even graver reproach
attaches to the circumstances in which Mr.
Asquith is endeavouring to compromise the
Sovereign. The Government have announced
that the abolition of the Veto is not the con
summation of their policy, which includes the
establishment of a reformed Second Cham
ber. But they are quite well aware that the
Irish, the Labour Party and the majority of
their own followers will not support them in
the second part of their undertaking—that
after the work of destruction has been accom
plished the greater part of their majority will
‘ Ate Peers last December, and it may poss-
• )ly raise the spirits of supporters who have
r Yot been finding the conditions of political
► fe particularly cheerful. It is another
• -uestion, however, to ask whether the
' Achievement is really a substantial one and
an hether it was worth the drawbacks and
1 icrifices that are somewhat conspicuously
—volved in its completion. Upon the sur-
Pice, their success ought to be of great im-
ortance to Ministers in demonstrating that
“lie country was with them in the financial
2 sue upon which they joined battle with the
27 ords. But this, unfortunately, is a claim
ohich the circumstances of their assumed
lumph expressly prohibit them from advan-
2 ng. They have carried the Budget with
1 ^e indispensable assistance of the Irish vote
unund that vote was lent them, as one of i
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