مراسلات مع أ. ج. بلفور، السير ر. وينجيت، اللورد ألنبي، اللورد ميلنر وآخرين في مصر [و‎‎٣‎٠] (٣٠٠/٥٩)

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hand it was considered essential to draw a sharp distinction between the movement for
complete independence and one for concessions and reforms under the British
Protectorate, i he first could receive no countenance, the second could be met with
sympathy and encouragement. If once the idea of independence received recognition
^ and was fairly started, it must inevitably be so far more popular than any more
moderate programme, that no native, statesman or politician could hope to resist it.
Further, we must lose all our friends who would not dare stand by us for fear of the
future consequences if independence came about. Thus, while the Ministers were*
welcome, there was no common ground for discussion with Saad Zaglul and his friends,
the self-appointed and irresponsible leaders of an agitation for the avowed purpose
of expelling the British from Egypt. These men were nearly all irreconcilables who
could not expect place or preferment so long as the British dominion in Egypt
continued. Saad Pasha Zaglul had signalised his tenure of -office as Minister of
Education by a constant and uncompromising hostility to British influence. After his
fall from office he had become more violent in his anti-British sentiments, and had, as
leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Assembly in 1914, acted as the Khedive s
agent, had made violent personal attacks upon Lord Kitchener, and had done every
thing he possibly could to embarrass the administration. Of the other leaders, to
mention the thiee who have since been deported to Malta, Ismail Pasha Sidki has
been deprived of office after being involved in two disgraceful scandals. Mohammed
1 asha Mahmoud had to resign his post of Provincial Governor owing to the torturing
t ^ ur ;l witness in a police case, and Hamed Pasha El Ba^al was under suspicion, and for a
long time under supervision during the war, owing to his sympathies and intrigues
with the benoussi. With such men no arrangement was possible. If they were
allowed to leave Egypt with the Ministers, their agitation and programme would
• t receive sanction, and they would be regarded in Egypt as the truly National
deputation. Moreover, it was evident that a semi-understanding already existed
between them and the Ministers, and it they came to London with the latter they
would, by their influence and incitements, certainly prevent any satisfactory arrange
ment from being reached. The fact that the Nationalists would visit Paris and
London for the express object of making trouble, and would have a large sum of
money ^ at their disposal for the purpose, was a subsidiary, but not altogether
negligible, consideration. It was, further, undesirable that native Ministers, when
invited by His Majesty’s Government to visit this country, should be allowed to
dictate the terms on which they would come. The idea that the Nationalist leaders
should be brought here in order to be snubbed and disregarded scarcely seemed to
savour of fair play. Jt could only increase the bitterness of their feeling, and was
indeed a temporising measure only likely to secure immediate peace at the cost of
increased trouble later.
The two views of the case were referred to Paris, and were considered by
Mr. Balfour, in consultation with Lord Milner and L >rd ITardinge.
binder instructions sent on the i^6th February, the bultan and Ministers were
f informed that His Majesty’s Government renewed their invitation to Buchdi Pasha,
and Adly Pasha, and to any Minister or Ministers deputed by His Highness and
the Council of Ministers to proceed to this country forthwith, and that all facilities
for their journey would be given to them. They would receive a cordial welcome, and
full and sympathetic consideration would be granted to any representations or proposals
they might desire to submit, both as to the future relations between Egypt and the
protecting Power, and to Egyptian internal reforms. But His Majesty’s "Government
could not alter their attitude with regard to the visit of the Nationalist leaders.
On the 2nd March this decision was conveyed to the Sultan. Ruchdi Pasha and
Adly Pasha maintained their resignations which were accepted by the Sultan. His
Highness, who from this time on seems to have definitely ranged himself on our side,
summoned Sirry Pasha, the next senior Minister, and Sarwat and Wahba Pashas, also
Ministers, and impressed upon them in emphatic terms that it was their duty to their
c ountry to form the nucleus of a new Government. On the next day the Presidency
of the Council was definitely offered to Sarwat Pasha.
In the meantime, on the 25th February, Sir M.'Cheetham had announced a distinct
improvement in the atmosphere. Ruchdi Pasha, Adly Pasha, and Saad Zaglul had all
lost popularity, and there were divisions in the Nationalist camp. The agitation was
dying down. I he situation did not differ materially from that in 1914, and public
opinion had changed very little in the interval, hut had been excited since last
November by exaggerated notions of a general regime of liberty and self-government.
I he present movement could not compare in importance with that of Mustapha Kamel