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"بلاد فارس. رقم ١ (١٩٠٩). مراسلات تتعلق بشؤون بلاد فارس خلال الفترة من ديسمبر ١٩٠٦ إلى نوفمبر ١٩٠٨" [و‎‎٣‎٥] (٢٣٦/٥٣)

محتويات السجل: مادة واحدة (١٢٧ ورقة). يعود تاريخه إلى ١٩٠٩. اللغة أو اللغات المستخدمة: الإنجليزية والفرنسية. النسخة الأصلية محفوظة في المكتبة البريطانية: أوراق خاصة وثائق جُمعت بصفة شخصية. وسجلات من مكتب الهند إدارة الحكومة البريطانية التي كانت الحكومة في الهند ترفع إليها تقاريرها بين عامي ١٨٥٨ و١٩٤٧، حيث خلِفت مجلس إدارة شركة الهند الشرقية. .

نسخ

النسخ مستحدث آليًا ومن المرجّح أن يحتوي على أخطاء.

عرض تخطيط الصفحة

[ 1072 ]
I)
ihe financial condition of the Government is, if possible, worse than ever. The
police of the capital are on strike; it has been found almost impossible to scrape
together money enough to induce the Tehran troops to leave for the scene of the
rebellion.
The Teh ran Assembly has little influence in the provinces. It vainly thundered
for some weeks against the Kavam-ul-Mulk in Shiraz and a brigand priest in
Suitanabad. In both these cases the covert protection of the Government has been
able to defeat the efforts of the Assembly. It has dispatched a Circular telegram to
the provinces, urging them to refer all matters for settlement to Tehran, but so far
without much effect. It is, however, regarded with respect by the Shah and the
Government, who have been forced on several occasions to yield to its pressure. It
has passed a financial law which, it is hoped, will bring about a gradual reform of
provincial finances. Whether or not it satisfies the popular aspirations, it is at any
rate regarded as indispensable, and neither the Shah nor his Government has the
courage to openly attack it.
A more ingenious and successful form of attack has been directed against the
Assembly in the form of an amendment to the Constitution giving all Persians equal
rights, irrespective of their creed. The mollahs intervened, in the name of the Shara
Law, and the consequence has been a breach between the popular party and the priests,
their nominal leaders.
The Government would, if it dared, borrow abroad to meet its present liabilities.
But, in view of the popular sentiment, it does not resort to a foreign loan. It appeals
to the Assembly for help, in the form of subscriptions to the proposed National Bank.
The answer it receives is that the people will subscribe as soon as the rich nobles, who
are known to have large sums of money, show the way. This the rich refuse to do.
As to raising money by taxation, the Assembly appears to be convinced that as soon as
the Government has any money in hand it will use it for the destruction of the Medjliss,
Any effective control of expenditure is regarded as quite out of the question. The
exasperation against the Shah is rapidly increasing. It is universally believed that
he is determined, if he can, to withdraw the Constitution, even at the cost of the
independence of the country.
The Atabeg is at his wits’ end, and is in a state of profound depression. It is
believed that the Shah is deeply disappointed at his refusal to take action against the
Medjliss, or to obtain a foreign loan. Without money the Prime Minister is powerless,
and it is hard to see from what source money can be drawn.
It cannot be said, however, that the people at large share his depression. The
country on the whole is not much more disturbed than in more normal years. There
has not been much loss of life in the various civic disorders, and the people have in
most cases gained their ends by the expulsion of oppressive Governors and relief from
local tyranny and extortion. They are consequently not dissatisfied with the present
state of affairs, although from the Government point of view there is no money in the
State coffers, no control over the provinces, and an almost complete state of anarchy
throughout the country.
There is a considerable difference between the north and south. In the south the
popular movement has an almost farcical character; it turns on personal or pecuniary
questions. In the north there appears to be a more or less definite political aim and a
keen sense of patriotism. So far there is no sign of an anti-foreign outbreak ; but there
has also been no definite sign ot foreign interference. If there is, the popular leaders
are said to be prepared with their programme.
I have, &c.
(Signed) CECIL SPRING-RICE.
No. 29.
Sir C, Spring-Rice to Sir Edward Grey — {Received July 8.)
Sir, Gulahek, June 21, 1907.
I HAVE the honour to inclose herewith the usual monthly summary of events
in Persia for June.
I have, &c.
(Signed) CECIL SPRING-RIQE.

حول هذه المادة

المحتوى

المادة عبارة عن منشور يتكون من نسخٍ من مراسلات أغلبها متبادل بين الوزير البريطاني في طهران، ووزير الدولة للشؤون الخارجية، والسفير البريطاني في روسيا، وعدد من ممثلي الحكومة الفارسية. كما توجد مقتطفات من الملخصات الشهرية للأحداث، قدمها الوزير البريطاني في طهران.

الشكل والحيّز
مادة واحدة (١٢٧ ورقة)
الترتيب

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لغة الكتابة
الإنجليزية والفرنسية بالأحرف اللاتينية
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"بلاد فارس. رقم ١ (١٩٠٩). مراسلات تتعلق بشؤون بلاد فارس خلال الفترة من ديسمبر ١٩٠٦ إلى نوفمبر ١٩٠٨" [و‎‎٣‎٥] (٢٣٦/٥٣)و المكتبة البريطانية: أوراق خاصة وسجلات من مكتب الهندو IOR/L/PS/20/260/2و مكتبة قطر الرقمية <https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100041687519.0x00004b> [تم الوصول إليها في ٣٠ April ٢٠٢٤]

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<meta charset="utf-8"><a href="https://www.qdl.qa/العربية/archive/81055/vdc_100041687519.0x00004b">"بلاد فارس. رقم ١ (١٩٠٩). مراسلات تتعلق بشؤون بلاد فارس خلال الفترة من ديسمبر ١٩٠٦ إلى نوفمبر ١٩٠٨" [<span dir="ltr">و‎‎٣‎٥</span>] (٢٣٦/٥٣)</a>
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